"I refide upon a farm, the annual value of which has been trebled, at leaft, fince it came into my hands, by the care and attention bestowed upon it; and yet, many of my neighbours, who enjoyed equal advantages with me, and had as great domeftic claims upon them, have fuffered their lands to remain in a fhanic ful state of negligence, merely through floth and idleness; for though they pretended theoretic knowledge, yet they had not refolution to make experiments which might have richly repaid all their labour and expence. I mention this, not from any oftentatious principle with regard to myfelf, because my line of conduct was no other than what common prudence dictated, but to expose the flovenly, lazy carriage of too many among my countrymen, and to fhew that by their own reprehenfible indolence, with respect to tillage, their grounds have been much lefs productive, than they could be rendered by proper management; and that the hardships which they may occafionally happen to feel by a fcarcity of pro vifions, is to be charged infinitely more to their own fupine behaviour, without bringing intoxication at all into the account, than the inclemency of the seasons, the barrennels of their fields, the feverity of landlords, or the exorbitant weight of tythes and taxes, about which they are well inclined to raise fuch an outcry."

ART. XXXV. The probable Confequences of an Union, impartially confidered. By a Barrifter. 8vo. Pp. 18. Milliken, Dublin. 1799.

THE

HE Author takes a brief, but general, view of the question; and, tracing the ftate of Ireland from the times preceding the reign of our Second Henry, to the prefent epoch, fhews, first, that The is indebted to her connection with England for what portion of domestic fecurity and national power fhe has hitherto enjoyed; and, fecondly, that it is impoffible for her to maintain herself as an inde pendent ftate. He reprefents Ireland to be, at this time, "a miferable and divided country, full of rancour and animofity," and the peafantry to be "ignorant, miferable, and idle, addicted by cuftom to thieving and drunkennefs, and impatient of all civil reftraint and lawful fubordination." The remedy which the Barrifter prefcribes for thefe ruinous evils is an equitable Union.

ART. XXXVI. Verbum Sapienti; or, a Few Reafons for thinking that it is imprudent to oppofe, and difficult to prevent, the projected Unian. 8vo. Pp. 14. Milliken, Dublin 1799.

WE 7E cannot compliment this l'erbum Sapienti by faying that it is verbum fapientis; nor do we think it properly addressed to the Anti-Unionists, whofe fpeeches hitherto have difplayed eloquentie jatis, fapientia parum. The author feems to think that, because the meafure of an Union has been propofed by the Adminiftration,, it thould be adopted without examination or difcuffion. If this be his opinion, we muft differ from him toto cælo, for, by a full and temperate difcuffion alone can the merits or demerits of the project, which ought exclufively to influence its adoption or rejection, be rightly understood, or clearly afcertained.

ART.

195

ART. XXXVII. Letter from a Retired Barrister in London to a Practifing Barrister in Dublin: 8vo. Pp. 27. Milliken, Dublin. 1799.

THE

HE author of this Letter confiders the Union only in its proba ble effects on the Irish Bar, which he judiciously divides into Barristers and Lawyers ;—the former, men of fuperficial attainments looking to parliamentary influence for profeffional fuccefs; the latter, ftudious and laborious, founding their claims to fuccefs on the legitimate plea of legal knowledge. These last, he maintains, as well as the Attornies, must be effentially benefited by the Union, from its direct tendency to promote" the general advancement of the country in commerce and in agriculture." He fhrewdly remarks, that "Lawyers thrive in rich paftures, not in fandy defarts, nor in bogs." His arguments appear to us incontrovertible. The author, however, by no means pledges himself to an unqualified approbation of the meafure; for, though he deems it highly beneficial to Ireland, he has ftrong doubts whether it may not prove detrimental to England. His apprehenfions are founded on the important changes which a junction of Parliaments may occafion in the frame of her own Confti. tution," and thefe he justly confiders as grave and weighty points."

ART. XXXVIII. Union or not? By an Orangeman. 8vo. Pp. 42. Milliken, Dublin. 1799.

THIS tract contains fome strong points well put.. The folly of

thofe Irishmen, who oppose all Union whatever, is demonstrated by a fuppofition that an Union were proposed by which the feat of Imperial Government, and the royal refidence, were to be tranfpofed from London to Dublin. The author asks if any man in his fenfes "could declare fuch an Union to be disadvantageous to Ireland ?" He enters into a confideration of the extent of British influence neceffarily exifting, in the prefent ftate of affairs, in the Parliament of Ireland, and he fhews that all the prejudicial effects of such influence must be destroyed by an Union. His reafoning on this part of the fubject is very clear and fatisfactory. He proves that it has ever been the object of the enemies of the country, foreign and domeftic, to produce a feparation of Ireland from Great Britain; infers that an Union would remove the principal inducement to fuch efforts, and, at the fame time, fupply the means of effectually crushing them, fhould they ever be exerted, in their infancy. He takes a brief view of the paft and prefent ftate of Ireland, adverts to the caufes and effects of the late rebellion, touches upon the religious feuds and diffentions, and confiders it impoffible that things can remain as they are. He combats the generally received idea that Dublin would be injured by

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the

the Union, and he fhews, at leaft, the fincerity of his opinion, fince his whole property, he tells us, is vefted in houses fituated in that me. tropolis. He reprobates the intemperance difplayed by the Bar in their treatment of this momentous project, and their attempts to excite a popular outcry againft it is compared to "that fyftem which bal Looed Caftle-hack and Informer against every man who dared to oppose the progrefs of treafon by argument, or to reveal its practices by evidence yet, in what state would this country have been but for the fagacity of Duigenan, or the confcientious repentance of Rey. nolds ?" He denies the affertion of Mr. M'Kenna, that the Catholics had no fhare in the late rebellion, but he forbears to enter on the difcuffion of a subject which would recall the most "agonizing recol. lections, and would require the volumes of evidence on the fubject fuppreffed by authority." We are forry that he has not afforded us a key to this laft declaration, which evidently implies fomething that calls for enquiry. He fhews, from the fuccefs which has attended the exertions of many Scotchmen in the British Senate, that the Irish Members would, by a Legislative Union, have a fine field opened for the display of their talents, and the gratification of a laudable ambition.

The difference between parties in Great Britain and parties in Ireland is stated in the following extract, with which we shall conclude our notice of a tract, which contains nothing to cenfure, and much to commend.

"The nature of a free government always requires party in the ftate. British parties, as they are immediately in the feat of Empire, muft buy themselves about imperial concerns; all this is proper, and ferves to check the Minifler; but the mifery of it is, that we have, in this country, minor branches of the fame parties, and, not having imperial concerns to meddle with, the whole force of British faction, is, by proxy, directed, in our Parliament, against the internal government of the country, and what Mr. Fox ufed to utter at Westminster, his telegraph, Mr. Grattan, was always found to exactly copy, however inapposite or milchievous to Ireland.

"To counteract this evil, the British Minifter fends over various Governors, as he finds the confufion increafing in this country; at one time we have Lord Weftmorland encouraging and fupporting the Proteftant intereft at another, Lord Fitzwillim with Mr. Grattan exalting the Papifts; then again, Lord Camden fupporting the Conftitution, and Mr. Grattan, in a rage, fetting the Houle on fire becaufe he is turned out; and, laftly, we have had Lord Cornwallis, with an head full of his own opinions, attempting to govern all the complicated intereits of the coun try, without enquiring into one of them, difcouraging and difarming the Protef tant Yeomanry, who have faved Ireland, affronting the first men in the land for acquitting a Proteftant Yeoman, accufed by a perjured Rebel; and, at the fame time, fending an avowed traitor, Mr. Sampfon, into exile-exile! to Lisbonand another, (Mr. Garret Byrne,) who has laid waste the whole county of Wicklow, burned the Proteltant village of Hacketftown to the ground, and maffacred every Proteftant, man, woman, and child, whom he found in the country, to refide at Stowe, in Buckinghamshire, the Paradife of England, the retreat of the Patriot Cobham. Will any one fay that these things would have happened were there one Irish Legiflator to ftand up at Westminster, and tell thefe things to the people of England? It has been faid, and idly faid, that the people of England are indifferent about the Proteftant intereft; it is not fo: the terrible convulfions of 1780 prove that their apprchenfions on that ground are even too acute; and furely the Imperial Parliament would not tamely fuffer the difcouragement of that intereft in Ireland, it would not leave those who had shed their blood, and loft

their dearest friends, their properties, and their homes, in defence of their connection with Great Britain, to fit down in comfortless poverty, to compare their lot with that of rebels, and to be forced to acknowledge that treafon had the advantage." Pp. 24-27.

ART. XL. A Few Thoughts on an Union; with fome Obfervations upon Mr. Weld's Pampblet of "No Union," addreffed to the Yeomanry of Dublin. By a Well-wisher of Ireland. 8vo. Pp. 37. Milliken, Dublin. 1799.

THIS well-meant attempt of a fincere friend to his country, to fhew the advantages of an Union, is more remarkable for goodnefs of intention than ability of execution. He expofes fome grofs fallacies in many of Mr. Weld's ftatements, particularly in refpect of the fituation of Scotland, and the views of Great Britain. Indeed, there is a ftrange perverfion of intellect vifible in all the arguments applied to the fate of Scotland by the Anti-Unionists; for they perfevere in imputing every difturbance that has happened in that country, particularly the Rebellions in 1715 and 1745, to the Union, while they infift that none of the advantages which Scotland now poffeffes, in the improvement of her trade, manufactures, and agriculture, and the confequent augmentation of her revenue, and the value of land, can be ascribed to that event!

ART. XLI. Ireland profiting by Example; or, the Question, Whether Scotland has gained, or loft, by an Union with England, fairly difcuffed. In a Letter from a Gentleman in Edinburgh to bis Friend in Dublin. 8vo. Pp. 33. Milliken, Dublin. Re-printed for Chapple, Pall-Mall, London. Price is. 1799.

TH

HIS is one of the most useful tracts that has yet come under our infpection; it oppofes plain facts to ftrong affertions, and au thentic documents to empty declamation. The beneficial confequen. ces of the Union to Scotland are detailed in a moft clear and fatisfac tory manner, and all the falfehoods which have been advanced by the Anti-Unionists, on that fubject, are expofed, almoft with the accuracy of mathematical demonstration. One of these pamphleteers had declared that Scotland has been beggared and impoverished fince the Union;" the truth of this declaration is proved by an authenticated account of the comparative wealth of that country, previous to the Union, and at the prefent time; whence it appears that the reve nues of the Royal Boroughs of Scotland "have been much more than trebled; that the Shipping of Scotland has increased from 215 vessels, or, 14,485 tons, to 2,116 veffels, or, 154,857 tons; that the produce of the Linen Manufacture, fince the year 1728, has increased

from

from 2,183,978 yards, value £103,312 95. 3d. to 23,102,404 yards, value £906,202 8s. 4d. that the Cotton Manufacture now gives employment to 100,000 perfons, and the quantity of cotton printed (in 1792) amounted to 3,821,712 yards; that the income of the Poft-Office has been augmented from 1,194, a fum fcarcely fufficient to defray the expence of its eftablishment, to 62,984 95. 1d. dear revenue, after all expences are defrayed; and that the increase of the population, fince the Union, amounts to 600,000!

Another of these fagacious pamphleteers had ftated, that, "fince the Union, Edinburgh has remained ftationary;" and others had gone ftill farther, and had not scrupled boldly to declare, that it "is beggared and depopulated." Let us oppofe the voice of truth to the voice of patriotifm on this topic.

"The city of Edinburgh is tripled, in point of extent, fince the period of the Union. It is computed that, within thefe laft thirty years, the new buildings, public and private, new streets and fquares, have coft above two millions sterling. The Public Offices, the Courts of Juftice, the Regifter-Houfe, the Offices of Excife and Customs, the new Univerfity, the Theatres, Affembly-Rooms, Bridges, &c. do not yield in magnificence to thofe of any capital in Europe. In the year 1678 the population of Edinburgh was 35,200, in 1791, 84,886!"

So much for beggary and depopulation!

Thefe fagacious patriots have been equally correct in their account of the increased weight of Taxation fuftained by Scotland in confequence of an Union.

"The truth is, (fays the fenfible author of this letter, a Scotsman himself,) our means and our capacity have increased in a much higher ratio than our burdens; as the wonderful advancement in every article of political wealth and profperity demonftrably fhews. In every cafe where a new tax was to be impofed, which was to affect the united kingdom, the proportion was fixed even with a partial indulgence of the English Members themfelves, to a country which they considered as flowly advancing in its political growth, and needing, like a weakly child, a continued exertion of the care and tenderness of its parent. The affertion that the firft impofitions of the Malt Tax in Scotland, was an infringement of the articles of Union, is founded entirely in a piece of fophiftry, urged, indeed, at the time, but which met with its juft difregard. It was ftipulated by the treaty of Union, that the Malt-Tax fhould not be extended to Scotland during the continuance of the prefent war,' In 1713, when the Bill was brought in for extending that tax to Scotland, it was allowed that the articles of Peace had been fettled between Great Britain, France, and Spain, and the ratifications folemnly exchanged; but it was captiously objected, that Peace had not been formally proclaimed. It may be be lieved that an objection so truly frivolous met with its juft difregard.'

So much for British infidelity!

To prove that the means of Scotland has increased in a greater proportion than her burdens, it is only neceffary to ftate, that the grofs revenue from the Customs, at the period of the Union, was £30,000 and, in 1798, £433,679 185. 8d. The grofs revenue from the Excife, (which was wholly abforbed in defraying the expence of the Civil Eftablishments of Scotland,) at the Union, was £33,500, and in 1798, £702,470 55. remitted to the British Exchequer, after paying all the expences of the Eftablishment! "The actual produce of the Lands of Scotland has, fince the Union, been increafed fix fold." The author then proceeds to demonftrate the falfehood of the affertion,

that