The justice of his obfervations, with refpect to the fhare which the Catholics had in the late rebellion, we admit in the fulleft degree; but any regulation which would open the legislative councils to the Catholics, would be a measure of the highest importance, involving a variety of confiderations of primary intereft, and neceffarily requiring the moft rigid circumfpection and the moft ferious deliberation. We are furprized that Mr. McKenna has not noticed the objections. fo ftrongly urged by Dr. Duigenan to the adoption of fuch a measure. We can affure him they have made very confiderable im. preffion on minds moft amicably difpofed towards the Catholics, and they certainly are highly deferving of attention. We have no fcruple to confefs that they have had great weight with us, and, combined with other confiderations, which it is not neceffary to state, have led us to entertain very frong doubts, not merely as to the expediency, but as to the conftitutional practicability, of rendering Catholics eligible to feats in Parliament. We are, however, open to conviction, and fhall weigh the arguments that come before us, on both fides, with equal impartiality and attention,

We give full credit to the author when he fays- Without any leaning to the doctrines of the church established, there is not in the land a more true friend than the writer of this effay, to the principle of fupporting the dignity and profeffions of its clergy. My reafons are folely political," Mr. M'Kenna controverts two or three pofitions in Mr. Cooke's pamphlet, which he acknowledges to be, "in feveral other refpects, a work of good fenfe and judgement." As these points bear upon the Catholic queftion, we shall extract the paffage, though we have already extended this article to a confi. derable length.

"I deny the pofition that the Catholics demand fuch an alteration in the Parliamentary Conflitution as will give their numbers proportionate power.' No fuch thing. That would be, to demand a democracy, with all its inconveniencies. Population would then become superior to property, and the acquifitions of a Catholic would not be more fafe than thofe of any other. But they have demanded, and ought to demand, that, without moving any man from his legal place in our fociety, the tenure of power should be property, and not party. What could any man propofe to himself by asking for a good house, where he knew there must be an earthquake? I again deny that any new parliamentary Teft Oath fhould be formed to admit the jurifdiction of the Pope.' The jurisdiction of the Pope is as clearly afcertained as the jurifdiction of the King's Bench, and would not be let in on temporal points, by omitting the oaths which affert the King's ecclefiaftical fupremacy, and which deny the doctrine of the Eucharift. The fupremacy of the Pope is practically little more than reverential; and if they are left to themselves, no perfons are more inclined than his clergy to cavil at, and reftrict it.---I am again constrained to controvert the pofition, that there would be indecorum or inconfiftency in admitting the Catholics to feats in the Legiflature, and retaining the prefent parliamentary Conftitution.' I think more Catholics might gain admittance to Parliament, under the Borough fyftem, than if the balis of reprefentation were landed property." Pp. 35, 36.

6

We shall enter no farther into this question at prefent, but conclude our ftrictures with recommending the pamphlet as a production containing much good fenfe and found argument,

ART. XXIV. A Letter to Theobald McKenna, Efq. the Catholic Advocate, in Reply to the Calumnies against the Orange Inftitution, contained in his Pamphlet, &c.; with fome Obfervations on the new and further Claims of the Catholics, as affecting the Conftitution and Proteftant Establishment. By an Orange Man. 8vo. Pp. 35. Milliken, Dublin.

IT was not to be expected that, in the present state and temper of

parties in the fifter kingdom, Mr. M'Kenna's attack on the Orange focieties would be fuffered to efcape without notice; but he had conducted his difcuffion with fuch temperance and decorum, as ought, at least, to have fecured him an exemption from harshness of language, and umerited feverity. His Memoire, certainly, did not appear to us to deferve the appellation of "a falfe and fcandalous libel," which is beftowed on it by his antagonist, whofe zeal is fuperior to his talents, though the latter are far from contemptible. His refentment, however, unguarded as he is in the expreffion of it, evidently arifes from a laudable principle. His object, 00, is highly honourable; that of refcuing from public obloquy a numerous body of men, whofe principles and whofe conduct have been grossly mif reprefented. Having laid before our readers the attack of Mr. M'Kenna, juftice requires that we fhould prefent them with his adverfary's defence :

"The name of Orange Men was first adopted by fome Proteftants in the county of Armagh, at a time when the jealoufies excited by the exercite of the portion of political power, newly granted to the Catholics, had unfortunately broke out, in open hoftility, and mutual outrages, and after the violence of thofe feuds had ceafed, Orange affociations ftill continued, and fpread over many parts of the province of Ulfter. In the year 1797, when the system of United Irishmen had attained a great degree of maturity, and was every day threatening open rebellion; and when the Catholics, little grateful for paft favours, demanded new conceffions, amounting to a furrender of the conftitution, under the fantaftical name of Catholic Emancipation, which food foremost among the poftulata of the rebels, then, I fay, at that dangerous crifis, a plan was formed, and executed, of tranfplanting the Orange affociation from the North to the metropolis, and by regulating and improving the fyftem, and placing at its head men of higher rank and talent, to convert to the fupport of the Throne and the Conftitution, an inftitution, which, from the nature of its origin and formation, might have degenerated into a ferocious fpirit of perfecution. This plan was the more beneficial and laudable, as any attempt to crush the affociation, in the place of its origin, would have been highly dangerous and impolitic, and therefore it was wife and expedient to direct the motions and pro. grefs of a machine, which could not, with fafety, be stopped. The detaching the Prefbyterians from the Union, as it was then called, was alfo a strong motive. fay, that the Orange Men of Ireland, as at prefent conftituted, are merely loyal Proteftants, affociated and bound together, under no new or unknown principles, but folely for the purpose of keeping in memory, fupporting, and defending the Laws, Constitution, and Religion, as established by the great King William, at the glorious Revolution, and reviving, by a fresh obligation, their fenfe of a folemn and facred duty, and their determination, as far as in them lies, to perform that duty, namely, that of tranimitting, unimpaired to their children, that Conftitution, in Church and State, which they received, as a moft precious gift, and depofit, from the hands, and cemented with the blood, of their fathers. It hence follows, that every true and loyal Proteftant, though he has not formally renewed fuch his duty, by any fresh obligation, is virtually and morally bound, by the

I

fame

fame ties and principles, as a fworn Orange Man. I do affert, that the circumftances of the times called for fome new (pur, fome farther teft, fome fresh pledge, of mutual affiftance, and of energy in the fupport and defence of our laws, our religion, our perfons, and our properties---for there is nothing more certain than that they are bound in one fheaf, and, fhould the band once be loofened, all will be fcattered, trodden under foot, diflipated, and loft. We were affailed at once by the whole host of French principles, their fpurious liberty, and mock equality, the rights of man, republican fanaticifm, the rage of political innovation, and the monitrous union of atheism and fuperftition, and all these had to work on a divided and difcontented nation, the inajority of which confidered the Constitution and Government as a foreign ufurpation, and the established Religion an impious and damnable herely; but more dangerous than all, many among ourselves began to be infected by a ftrange apathy, and luke-warmnefs, towards things formerly confi dered as claiming our warmelt intereft and attachment. I hope, and believe, that the Orange inftitution has given to us an animating and feasonable impulfe, and has tended to rouze us to a fenfe of our danger, and our duties, and nothing leads me more ftrongly to this belief, than the hatred, abufe, and fear, manifefted by the people of a certain defcription, against an affociation which they feem to confider as a bulwark, interpofed between them and the temple of the Conftitution, which they feek to enter, for the purpose of violating. do, Sir, moft pofitively deny your affertion, that the Orange body laments that immunities have been granted to the Catholics, or denies them farther conceffions for the purpose, or on the principle of fecuring to themselves, or enjoying a felfish pre-eminence over their fellow-fubjects. On the contrary, the Orange-men have viewed, with pleafure, every indulgence granted to the Catholics, whereby they have been rendered more fecure in their perfons and properties, and the free exercife of worshipping God in any manner they pleafe; but we deprecate and oppofe the granting political power to Catholics, who, we are convinced, must ever direct that power unceafingly, and always to the deftruction and overthrow of our religion, and the eftablishment of their own; and this they never could hope to effect, otherwise than by a feparation from England, and a total change of the Conftitution. It is impoffible that any Catholic could honeftly and zealoufly adminifter the affairs of a Proteftant ftate---and if we were even content to fhare every thing with them, and give up all establishment and pre-eminence, they would ceafe to be Catholics, if they did not perfeveringly aim at fupremacy, and the paramount establishment of the Popish religion. Catholics could not be content to fhare equal power with heretics, all civil interests must be overlooked; the advancement of the holy church is, with them, an obligation which must take place of all others; and any of the moft facred engagements, if contrary to, or not coinciding with, the interests of their church, are, by that church, diffolved, and declared void." Pp. 7---10.

The author then adduces fome inftances, from the writings of Catholic priefts, in fupport of his pofitions. But while he declares his firm conviction, that any farther conceffions to the Catholics would effect the fubverfion of the Conftitution in Church and State, he expreffes, with a true Chriftian spirit, his deep concern, and laments, as a ferious misfortune, that "the ftate cannot, with fafety to its existence, command and profit by the entire attachment, energy, and fervices, of fo many of its fubjects. Would to God it were otherwife."

In reply to Mr. McKenna's obfervation, that the Catholics, as fuch, took no part in the rebellion, he admits, that the Catholic militia did their duty like brave men; but of the yeomen, he gives a different account.

"We can better form an opinion of the part the Catholics took in the late rebellion, by recurring to the conduct of the Catholic Yeomen-men better educated and of better fituation than the Militia foldiers-men who were, or ought to have been, free agents, who took up voluntarily the arms of their Sovereign, (a Sove

reign whom they had recently and publicly acknowledged as their greatest bene factor,) and who bound themfelves by a voluntary and folemn oath to use those arms in his defence, and that of his Government. How they fulfilled that obli gation is lamentable to confider-what a difgufting picture of perfidy and perjury was difclofed fhortly after the infurrection took place! I fpeak of the city of Dublin-it was difcovered that nine-tenths of the Catholics in the Yeomanry corps were United Irishmen, and had taken an oath to be true to the Rebels, in direct contradiction to their fworn allegiance; and that many of them, after taking the united oath, had, on a principle of deliberate and pre-determined perjury, joined Yeomanry corps for the purpose of getting arms into their hands, learning the ufe of them, and turning them against us, perhaps, in the very moment of attack. The confequences might have been horrible, had they not been prevented by a timely difcov ry. If any of the projected nightly attacks had taken place, the loyal yeoman, rouzed from his bed, would have treacherously fallen by the bayonets of those whom he might haften to join, as friends and fellow-foldiers. It is remarkable, that in the city of Dublin above two thoufand Catholics were defirous of admittance into the feveral yeomanry corps, during the fix weeks immediately preceding the infurrection---and that most of these were proposed by Catholic yeomen, who afterwards either proved to be Rebels, or were difarmed on ftrong fufpicion. Thefe facts are notorious and recent; they are open to investigation, and if not founded, may be duproved." Pp. 22, 23.

The author combats feveral other pofitions advanced by Mr. McKenna, and ftrenuously oppofes any farther conceflions to the Catholics in the prefent ftate of things.

ART. XXV. Impartial Remarks on the Subject of an Union, in Anfwer to Arguments in Favour of that Meafure; in which the Sentiments of the Catholic Body are vindicated from the Charge of favouring the Project. With a Reply to Mr. M Kenna's Memoire. By A Farmer. 8vo. Pp. 48. Jones, Dublin. 1799.

THES

"HESE remarks are any thing but what they are stated to be in the title-page, for the most glaring partiality pervades every page. The attack on Mr. Cooke's pamphlet is most impotent; containing affertions unfupported by proof; erroneous conclufions from falfe premises; and wanton afperfions contradicted by facts. For examples to demonstrate this last charge we refer the reader to Pp. 35 and 38. As it contains no one argument that has not been much more ably difcuffed by other writers on the fubject, any analysis of, or extracts from, the tract would be fuperfluous. What the author calls the vindication of the Catholics, and his reply to the "Memoire,” are included in lefs than eight pages. The vindication was, to say -the leaft of it, unneceffary; for Mr. M'Kenna exprefsly declared, that he spoke the fentiments of an individual, and not thofe of any body of men. The Catholics, we thould think, will not be very much obliged to this writer, and he must be very fhallow indeed who is not fenfible that one fuch advocate as Mr. M'Kenna is worth a thousand such officious vindicators as the "Farmer."

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ART. XXVI. To be or not to be, a Nation? that is the Question. 8vo. Pp. 31. Mehain, Dublin. 1799.

LIPPANT, puerile, and empty, this writer difgufts alike with his vain attempts at wit, and with his open difplay of folly. He confiders Ireland not merely as an independent, but as a jeparate, state, and thence he maintains that she can derive, from the exertions of her own Legislature, every advantage that can poffibly accrue from an Union with Great Britain. He forgets the neceffary confequence of this fyftem; that England, being alfo a separate state, might enact laws for the protection of her own trade, that would prove highly injurious to the profperity of Ireland. Arguing on fuch falfe premifes, his conclufions are all, erroneous. His ideas of equity are fingular" If an Union of two Legislatures is to be founded on the principles of equity, let the number of members from each be equal." And he infifts that the adoption of this notable plan could alone fecure the rights of Ireland from invasion. His ideas are fo confused that he cannot discover the truth of Mr. Cocke's felf-evident propofition, that by the Union, that is, by the confolidation of the two kingdoms into one Empire, the Irish Catholics would be deprived of the ufe of that argument which they now derive from the fuperiority of their numbers. This, he gravely tells us, could only be effected by the exchange of three millions of English Proteftants for the like number of Irish Catholics, and "this fervice would employ all the veffels in the British Navy!”

He difplays equal fagacity on another point; becaufe the Statute of the 23d of Geo. III. acknowledges the right of the people of Ireland to a feparate Legislature, he deduces, as a neceffary confequence, that fuch right cannot be voluntarily exchanged for other rights and privileges more conducive to the welfare and happiness of that people. Our readers, we conceive, will require no farther fpecimen of this writer's abilities.

ART. XXVII. A Letter addreffed to the Gentlemen of England and Ireland, on the Inexpediency of a Federal Union between the two Kingdoms. By Sir John J. W. Jervis, Bart. 8vo. Pp. 71. Whitworth, Dublin. 1798.

FTER toiling through seventy pages of moft diffufive matter

adopt, as applicable to the author, the obfervation applied by Goldfmith's vicar to his talkative fpoufe" my wife kept up the converfation, but not the argument." In good truth, we never laboured fo much, and with fo little fuccefs, to understand the reafoning of any writer; the worthy Baronet has, indeed, told us, in very piain

terms,