ART. XXI. An Addrefs to the People of Ireland, against ant Union; in which a Pamphlet, entitled, Arguments for and against that Meafure, is confidered. By a Friend to Ireland. 8vo. Pp. 52. Stockdale, Dublin. 1799. THIS HIS pamphlet is written with confiderable ability, and the author has taken no fmall pains to derive information, from the best fources, refpecting the commercial interefts of the two kingdoms, which conftitute the primary object of his confideration. He may be what he terms himself, "A Friend to Ireland," but he is certainly an enemy to England, and feems to regard every description of perfons in this country with fovereign contempt. With fuch a defcription he must rather be regarded as an interested advocate than as an impartial judge, and his affirmations and decifions must be received with equal caution. The great landed and commercial interefts of Great Britain are thus fhortly characterized :-" The ftupid fhort-fighted intereft of the English landholder, who imagines the value of his eftate increased as the values of those around him are diminished; the narrow felf. intereft of an English merchant or manufacturer, which would mono. polize the trade and commerce of the world; that wretched selfintereft, which hates the profperity of a rival, and is pained at the fuccefs of a friend." (P. 6.) From a mind fo deeply tinctured with prejudice, what impartial judgement can be expected? Speaking of British wars, in evident allufion to the prefent, he represents them as "undertaken in injuftice, continued in folly, and terminating in difgrace." He cafts the fame unjust reflections on the fervility of the Scotch members, in the British Parliament, as Mr. Rudd, qualified only with "the noble exception of Lord Lauderdale!" So that, according to this writer, a man's independence is to be efti. mated by the degree of virulence with which he fyftematically oppofes all the measures adopted by the government, for the defence of the country, against foreign foes and domeftic traitors. Alluding to the trials for treafon and fedition in Scotland, he has the boldness, or rather effrontery, to affert, that "two of the fen tences of the court of Jufticiary were confidered by fome of the ableft of the Scotch bar as contradictory to the law of Scotland. The elo. quence of Fox only rendered more confpicuous the mifery of not having a national Legislature; for the Scotch Judges were applauded and justified by a British Parliament." Any man that had not been blinded by prejudice or faction would have drawn from fuch applaufe, and fuch juftification, a very different inference, viz. that the Scotch had reafon to exult in the integrity of their Judges, and the justice of their decifions! But fo warped is the judgement of this writer, that, to him, the voices of two or three party Barrifters, and leaders of oppofition, are fuperior to the deliberate decifions of a British Legiflature. "The "The Batavian, Cifalpine, and Italian republics," are cited by this ftrenuous advocate of Irish independence as proofs that France can refpect the natural boundaries of nations" (P. 33,) and he ftates, that thefe nations, which he calls independent, are devoted to the intereft of France as Ireland is devoted to the intereft of Britain! As the partifan of the jargon of natural boundaries, derived from the modern French fchool, he affirms, that the Deity has, by the interpofition of the Ocean, placed an eternal barrier against their Union." The perfons who propofed the Union with Scotland are accufed of" daring and profligate treachery." (p. 31.) His difcuffions refpecting commerce, however, are more deferving our attention, as they difplay a confiderable degree of knowledge, and are conducted with more temper than his political animadverfions, The refult of them is a decided disapprobation of the Union, as cal culated to afford no advantage which may not be obtained without it; and as pregnant with every poffible calamity and evil. But fo rooted is his prejudice, that he makes no fcruple to declare, that were the contrary the fact, (as we believe it to be,)" were an Union fraught with bleffings as it is with curfes--were it the elixir of life, not the potion of death, you ought to reject it." (P. 45.) In the Poftfcript there are two grofs errors in his statement refpecting the English revenues, which, from the pains which he has evidently taken to investigate his fubject, we cannot conclude to be purely accidental. "He affirms, that "the affeffed taxes of last year were deficient by two millions ;" and that "there has been, fince the commencement of the prefent war, an annual average deficiency in the taxes." Now we know the very reverse of this to be the fact. The affeffed taxes produced the full fum at which they were estimated, and the aggregate of the taxes impofed fince the war have been equally productive. As ill-founded is this author's prediction, that the deficiency in the tax upon income will exceed two millions, fince there is every reason to believe that it will produce more than the estimate. ART. XXII. An Anfwer to fome of the many Arguments made Ufe of against a Pamphlet, entitled, Arguments for and against an Union. By an Attorney. 8vo. Pp. 22. Milliken, Dublin. 1799. FTER having had to encounter a host of foes, Mr. Cooke fees in his defence. This attorney not enter very deeply into the queftion, but he advances fome plain facts, which the oppofers of the Union would do well to confider with attention. He afks, "why an Englishman is not very competent, with a good understanding, to write even more difpaffionately than an Irishman on the fubject;" and he truly ftates, that Mr. Cooke's pamphlet is written with more coolness and temperance than any of the answers to it. He infifts, that the apprehenfions of a violation of of the contract which may be entered into between the two countries, by the British Minifter, are groundlefs, fince, when Ireland was an integral part of the Empire, it would be alike his duty and his interest to pay the fame attention to her welfare and profperity as to those of England or Scotland. He ftigmatizes the declaration, frequently made in the courfe of this controverfy, that the government fomented the differences in Ireland, in order to facilitate the execution of their plans," as a wicked and unfounded affertion. If this was the intention of Minifters, would they fo fpeedily fend affiftance to the loyal and well-difpofed part of this country, and at fuch an immense expence to Great Britain? Would they not rather let us cut each other's throats a little longer, and then ftep in without oppofition, and upon their own terms?" (P. 8.) Noticing the objection founded on the fuppofed deftruction of Irish independence, he fays, "Does Ireland, at prefent, exift as an independent ftate, or is it able to exift as fuch? It is not. What would have become of us, upon feveral recent occafions, if Great Britain had not ftretched out her protecting hand to us? Should we not have been a province of France, robbed and plundered by the French, as every other power has been with whom they have fraternized?" (P. 16.) The concluding paragraph, borrowed from fome public writer, contains advice which no wife man will neglect, and no honest man defpife. "If when the articles are promulged, and due confideration afforded to them, they fhall be found hoftile to the interefts of Ireland, in the name of God, virtue, and our country, let the meafure be rejected; but, if the contrary fhall be proved, if it shall appear the grave of our divifions, our bigotry, and our political crimes, and the vital principle of our unanimity, our charity, our morals, and our profperity-why, then, let every voice be raised to advocate, and every means ftretched forth to fupport, it." This is the voice of reafon, the admonition of genuine patriotifm. ART. XXIII. A Memoire on A Memoire on fome Questions refpecting the projected Union of Great Britain and Ireland. By Theobald M'Kenna, Efq. Barrister at Law. 8vo. Pp. 42. Rice, Dublin. 1799. MR. McKenna is an able advocate for the Union, which he con fiders as likely to fupply an efficacious remedy for the civil and religious diffentions with which his country has been too long afflicted. His approbation, however, is not indifcriminate; for he obferves, with great truth, that "the conditions of the contract must render the measure falutary or pernicious." He combats the opinion, that a feparate Legislature is effential to the independence of Ireland, and his remarks on this fubject are extremely judicious, and well calcu lated to act as a corrective to the false notions of national pride, which have been fuffered to ufurp too great an influence in the dif cuffion of this question. "Let "Let me not be confidered fanciful in the position I am about to lay down, that the arguments addrefied to our national pride may exactly be inverted. The appearance of paradox will vanifh, when we confider how much more real importance Ireland will derive, when by the fhare in the general reprefentation, which he is entitled to obtain, fhe will be enabled to influence, in fome refpects, the councils of the empire, thap at prefent whilft fhe receives laws from the more powerful member of the confederacy; and from that quarter muit the ever receive laws, whilft fhe adheres, with unreflecting pride, to this languid and ambitious independence." P. 4. Alluding to the former differences between the two countries, the author fays" I am no friend to pofthumous refentments. It is more becoming the dignity of a wife people to throw our paffions into the fhade, and cultivate our interefts." Would to heaven he could impress this truth on the minds of his countrymen! He proceeds to fhew, and in a manner that appears to us highly fatisfactory, why the evils that impede the improvement of Ireland, and the reformation of her uncivilized tribes, cannot be removed, without " a great change of manners, and this only is to be effected by a great change of conftitution." But he deems a compliance with the political claims of the Catholics indifpenfibly requifite to give the Union the effect of reftoring perfect tranquillity, and of establishing permanent harmony, in Ireland. A Catholic himself, he pleads the cause of the Catholics with confi derable ability, and with extreme temperance; and the reasons which he alledges in fupport of their claims are always plausible, and not unfrequently convincive. He regards the Orange Lodges as inftruments for the extenfion of domestic divifions, and as rendering "the fettlement of Ireland, by domeftic means, a hopeless enterprize." He gives them credit for their loyalty, but accufes them of harbouring "a fpirit of revenge," and a with to establish a "dominion over their fellow fubjects." But on this delicate topic we shall let the author speak for himself "Thefe clubs are inftituted to fuit Proteftants of every age, and education and degree. Filiations of them have been formed in moft country towns, in the Univerfity, in many regiments, and even among fchool-boys, fo that if they are of doubtful portent to the harmony of fociety, the evil is not like to be of limited extent or fhort duration. The drawing-room, and even the nursery, bear their emblems. It is not a benevolent affociation, calculated to extend or to preferve, or to improve, the fyftem of pure religion, by which they confider themfelves enlightened. The first object of the confederacy is to maintain, and the next to celebrate, the political fupremacy of one part of the King's fubjects over another.--They commemorate not -Thy great name, Naffau, 'Who ftamp'd the bless'd deed of Liberty and Law---' not the purifier of the monarchy and the founder of civic freedom, but a fort of fpurious William of their own creation, refembling John Wefley, or any other fanatic founder of a fect, without a trait of character, by which, if he repalled on earth, the sage and hero would recognise himself as fairly reprefented" Pp. 17---18. He admits that many very honourable perfons have entered into thefe affociations, and with the beft poñible intentions, but that thefe will be as unable to controul the actions of their violent followers, as Lord George Gordon was to prevent "the fire of London,” NO. VIII. VOL. II. A a which which he most certainly never had in contemplation. He complains of the arts exerted by the Orange men to render the Catholics odious, fince the rebellion, and he quotes the following ftanza, which appeared in a paper, in their intereft :- "See their clergy march before them, And calling on to blood and flaughter." The author's opinion of the neceffity of repealing the penal statutes ftill in existence against the Catholics we fhall give in his own words :- "Unless the fervants of the Crown mean, among other internal regulations, to include a fettlement under the head of religious difference, completely co-extensive with the grievance, then will an incorporation of the Legislatures be found a meafure bad for Ireland, but, if poffible, worfe for Britain. The penal ies againft Catholics ought to be repealed, if it were only to difconntenance the Orange faction, by fhewing the error and impotence of the affociation. The measure would be popular and acceptable. I allert this fact in contradiction to the ftate prifoners, who averred, in their examination before the committee of Parliament, that emancipation, as it has been called, was flighted, except as a pretence. So, perhaps, it was among the Catholics with whom they mixed, or thofe on whom they practifed; the latter, an ignorant peafantry; the former, a cabal of ill-intentioned Democrats, who dreaded not any thing fo much, as left the King's government fhould difarm the public difcontent by a conceffion fo highly grateful. There is, and always has been, a body of Catholics, numerous, refpectable, and of steady loyalty, to whofe minds there is no nearer object." Pp. 13, 14. Again "What has the repe 1 of the difqualifications against Catholics to do with the rebellion ?---In certain counties there was a rifing of the peafantry; provoked, cajoled, feduced by certain gentlemen, Deifls, fome of Catholic, more of Proteftant, education. The infurgents were Catholics, just as any man, who offends the laws against property, is, within the fame limits, a Catholic, because it happens to be the popular religion of thofe diftricts. They were combated by Catholic militia regiments, by Catholic noblemen, gentlemen, and farmers; that is, by all thofe who had kept themselves aloof, not from the religious, but the political, illufion. Indeed I believe the principal perfon in point of dignity of the Catholic party did exert himfelf with more gallantry than any other of his rank, not profelledly a military or militia officer. When the clown had proceeded a little way under his doctors and generals of the rights of man, he bethought himfelf of his early reverential impreflions; and having, out of about two thousand five hundred Catholic priefts who are in Ireland, collected five-and-twenty in the different rebellions, mingled together fuperftition and rapine, and murder and liberty, in a mannner which I want words to ftigmatife, which I am appalled to contemplate; as to ferocity, very fimilar to all other mobs; and, as to fuperftition, moft like what Mr. Bruce relates of Abyffinia. Now, which is it better, to reclaim thofe people, or to confirm their diforderly habits? They have proved themselves to be in that state of fociety, where obfervances have more influence upon the mind than moral principle. A ftate, which no fyftem of religion that was ever known on earth is calculated to produce among its votaries. It is clearly indicative of fomething vilified and ftupid in the mind, not from nature furely, but fuperinduced by extrinfic circumftances. It is the refult of a certain courfe of manners; whit thefe continue it will prevail. But whenever, by teaching a man to fet a higher value on himfelf, you give a greater expansion to his faculties, he will be formed to a more enlightened mind, and will acquire a fuperior tone of vigorous understanding." Pp. 25-27. The |