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Art. XII. The Favour of God the only Security in National
Danger :- A Sermon, preached at the Parish Church of St.
author has judiciously chosen for his subject the certainty and confolation of a national Providence, controuling the events of war, and, through the instrumentality of second causes, ordering all things according to the eternal counsel of his will. In traversing this beaten ground, much novelty of expression, or acceflion of fresh arguments, was not, perhaps, to be expected. The sentiments, however, are conceived with piety, and suitable to the occafion. The language in which they are conveyed is very good, but not remarkable for any striking beauties. Among those passages which appear to us the most worthy of notice, and highly creditable to the worthy and respectable author, we select the following, with which we shall conclude our observations.--Speaking of the means by which we may most reasonably hope to secure that divine favour which he had before proved effential to national success, he says
“ We have not only to contend with a distant enemy, but with one near at hand : an enemy, of all others, whom we have most to fear, for strength, treachery, malignity, and every thing else, that can make war dreadful--Let us flee, then, for help to the God whom we have offended ; let us, by prayer and repentance, deprecate his wrath ; and let a sense of what he hath already done for us fill us with confidence and gratitude in return ; let us learn, moreover, to compose our passions, which have been exasperated and infamed by party violence; to restrain that immoderate spirit of luxury and dir. fipation so prevalent among us; and, since from the arrogant and inadmisible demands of the enemy, the continuance of the war is unhappily unavoidable, to make such æconomical regulations in our ex, pences as may enable us to contribute with liberality and cheerful. nefs towards the relief of*] the public incumbrances. And if we
* Not in the text, but necessary to the perfect sense of the seo. tence, because to contribute to an incumbrance is to increase an evil.
have any true love for our country, any just regard for the mainte. nance of its credit, or any grateful sense of the bleffings (which] we enjoy under our happy establishment, now is the time to act, as people entirely convinced, that unanimity in our counfels, and aconomy in our conduct, are the only stays that can support the present burthens, and secure the freedom and independency of these kingdoms from the threatened attempts of an aspiring and ambitious nation.”
PUBLICATIONS ON THE UNION.
Art. XIII. The Probability, Causes, and Consequences of an
Union between Great Britain and Ireland, disculled; with
Jupposed to be written by a Gentleman high in
8vo. Pp. 48. Hill, Dublin, 1798.
was easy to collect from the Debates on this question in the Irish
House of Commons, that the spirit of party was carried to an extraordinary height, and that the voice of reason was lost in the cries of prejudice, and the clamours of faction. But we had no idea that this spirit, fo fertile in evils of every description, could suddenly rise Tuperior to the ties of allegiance, and the bonds of duty. Yet, in many instances, this appears to have been the case, as we shall have occasion to shew in our review of the different publications on this interesting topic, which have been transmitted to us by our correspondents in Dublin.
of what religious persuasion the author of the pamphlet before ug may be, we cannot pretend to say; whether a Diffenting Minister, or a Catholic Priest, we know not; but his political principles, if principles they may be called, are evidently those of a rank Jacobin, of an United Irishman. He begins by representing the state of Ireland to be bad as its worst enemies could wish it; and while his book breathes fedition, if not treason, in every page, he gravely tells us, that “all freedom of enquiry, whether by speech or writing, is treated as treason, and struck dumb by the terrors of martial law and military execution.” P. 4. The British Minister he represents as a perfect monster: admonishing the Protestants of Ireland to put no trust in him, he says, “Oh! silly bigots ! how little do you compre. hend the expanded views of the illuminated monster. He can league himself just as cordially with emigrant Papist Priests, with Popith Autria, and inquifitorical bigot Spain, to advance his own schemes ;
he would league himself with the Turk, Jew, Pagan, or even the De. vil himself, for the same end.” (P. 6.) He regards England as a sapacious foreigner that wants first to fubjugate, and then to plunder, her independent neighbour. In order that he may easily answer the arguments of Mr. Pitt, he makes a speech for him, in support of the Union, and puts such sentiments in his mouth as would naturally, enough proceed from a mind in which folly and profligacy were per. fectly blended.
In the lying account which he makes the Minister give of the cause of the Irish Rebellion, and the conduct of those employed to suppress it, be, no doubt, makes use of the very language which he is himself in the habit of using.--" A banditti of exterminators long paraded through the North in the most public manner, to the terror and dit. may of his Majesty's peaceable subjects, exercising with entire im. panity every species of cruelty and rapine on the detenceless Catholics of Ulster ; all applications to the Castle for redress or protection were fruitless; and this mischief was tolerated for years, to the utter ruin of thousands, and, therefore, not absurdly supposed to have the secret Support and countenance of G
(The dciicacy, or rather apprehenfion, of this seditious prater, in omitting to write the word Government at full length, is curious.) “The Catholic Peasantry of Ireland, finding no protection in the Laws of the Land, combined in their own defence; and thus two hoftile affociations overspread the kingdom; hence the facility with which republican principles have been propagated--if Jacobins harangued, it was G
procured for them a partial and favourable audience. Thus Republicanism, from being confined to a few speculative men, through the crimes of a
became the political creed of the nation.” (p. 12.) This is really the prettiest apology for treason and rebellion that we ever recollect to have seen or heard. The people of Ireland are thus addressed : “ Support a Constitution from a participation of whose rights and benefits you are excluded ; support a monopoly which crushes, degrades you, and makes you aliens .on your native soil ; Tupport that which makes contempt, slavery, and beggary your inheritance; fupport that which brands you as unworthy to share the benefits of civilized fociety; and which, by stripping you of every degree of political consequence, gives you as many tyrants as there are members of the privileged cait.” (P.14.) Was ever any Apostle of Rebellion more eloquent ?
We learn, however, foniething perfectly novel from this writer that the Irish were forinerly a polished and learned people, and have only been brutalized by their connection with us. ci Arduous ins deed was the task of extirpating literature entirely from among them, for the very lowest and poorest of the wretches have a strange hanker. ing after learning, not to be found among the fame description any where else ; and, what is scarcely less alarming, they have a fingular capacity too for scientific pursuit. To pick up a little learning, there is no hardship to which they will not submit ; nakedness, hun. ger, and toil!” (P. 22.) " Your ftaurch and zealous blood-hounds
NO, VIll. VOI, II.
(the Protestants) may be driven by resentment into an alliance with
The Appendix,, which occupies 18 pages.,. was written by way of Answer to the pamphlet reviewed in our last number but one, ascribed to Mr. Cooke; it contains no argument, and is remarkable for nothing but rancorous virulence, and open violation of truth. The author ridicules the idea of advantages being derived, in point of refinement and civilization, by the Irish, from a closer connection with the English. “ Learn good breeding and politeness from the churlish, growling, and felfilh race of Englishmen!" (P. 31.) He tells us, in the lying rant of modern Democracy, that England is waging war against the independence of France; but thai « the English of yore would neither crouch to Kings nor Priests,. regarding all such public officers, by whatever name decorated, as public servants, responsible for their ministry, and liable to be cashiered for misconduct as they frequently were.” (p. 36.) This favours of the school of Price. The only benefit, according to him, to be reaped by Ireland from the proposed Union is, “ a bountiful dividend of the moderate taxes and debt of England; our full proportion of no less a sum than five hundred million !” (P. 34.) If the “nonsensical ascendency" of England, her « unjust monopolies," her “ vile machinations," be deltroyed; “ then Christianity will not be disgraced by the horrid excesses of its voraries, excesses that argue more against it than a thousand syllogisms; NO GOOD TREE BRINGETH FORTH BAD FRUIT, &c." (P. 40.) So that this Minister of Religion deeins Chrifti. anity not a good tree !!!
We have taken more notice of this miserable publication than.it deserves, merely with a view to sew the spirit that marks many of the enemies to the Union; and, having exhibited fufficient proofs of the veracity and modefty of its author, we shall now consign it to public contempt.
1:53 ART. XIV. The Second Part of Taaffe's Refle&tions on the Union. Svo. Pp. 48. Mehain, Dublin, 1799.
N reading the Preface to these supplementary reflections of the
Rev. Dennis Taaffe, we ceased to be surprized at the violence of his style and the rancour of his heart. We there learn that this political prophet, so early as the year 1790, foresaw all the evils which Ireland was doemed to experience. That was the very period at which the leaders of the Rebels formed the project of that treasonable association of “ United Irishmen,” which was established the following year. It was very natural that fo zealous a partisan, as Mr. Taaffe
not merely to have been, but actually to be, thould be admitted into their secret councils, whence, of course, he would derive that knowledge which formed the basis of his prediction, This will account at once for the fervour of his zeal, and the extent of his foresight. Accordingly he “ was among the foremoft, if not the firft, to detect the deep-laid plots of the British Cabinet, and Jound the alarm.” From the year 1794 to the present period his sentiments, it seems, have been communicated to the public, at diffesent times, through the medium of pamphlets. If the party have had many such writers in their pay, all the horrors and enormities which have been committed by che Irish Traitors can excite no altonishment.
The present tract might very naturally be supposed to have proceeded from the Committee of Irishmen at Paris, who have for some years acted in the capacity of Ministers to the Directory for every thing relating to the intended republics of Great Britain and Ireland. It breathes the pure style of the Directory throughout, and is adini. rably calculated for the ineridian of the Luxembourg. The rebellion in Ireland, we are told, was all designedly raised by Mr. Pitr; and 66 when sects and parties were inflamed against each other, and the (British and Protestant) ascendancy worked up to fury, breathing re. venge and extermination, in comes Camden, with refusal, defiance, coercion, and terror, in his train; then commenced a government of passion and revenge; a government of spies and informers, a govern. ment of blood-hounds and terrorists.” (P. 4.) Here the shoe pinches. The wise and vigorous measures of Lord Camden de feated the plots of treason, and frustrated the machinations of rebel. lion :- Hinc iræ, hinc lachrymæ.
Were we disposed briefly to characterize the atrocious calumnies uttered by this author against the British Government, the British Merchants, the British Army, in short, againit every thing British, we should borrow she expression applied by an English author to certain critics, and call them the aspersions of a liar, in the language of Billingsgate.' More flagrant falschoods were never devised, more abominable defamation was never propag.ited, by man. His means and kis object are alike detestable ;-ihe one calumnny, we or her rebellion.
“ If I am right in my conjeĉtnres, the rebels will again be stimulated to rise, with a view of renovating their conflict with the Yeomanry, thus preventing any