might have been checked, and all the conquered countries preferved from the iron yoke of Gallic oppreffion. These are not ex poft facto admonitions; but potent arguments of which the juftice and wifdom are established by the least fallible of all tefts-the teft of experience. The tracts are fix in number. 1. The real Grounds of the prefent War with France; with a Poftfcript. 2. Objections to the Continuance of the War examined and refuted. 3. Reflections submitted to the Confideration of the Combined Powers. 4. Farther Reflections fubmitted to the Confideration of the Combined Powers. 5. Thoughts on the Origin and Formation of Political Conftitutions. 6. The Dangers of premature Peace. Several valuable notes, both critical and illustrative, have been added; and, in the fifth tract, a most interefting and important difcuffion on the nature of Civil Liberty is introduced, for the first time, and occupies upwards of thirty pages. As the tracts themselves have been extenfively circulated, and their contents, of course, well known to the public, our obfervations will be principally confined to the new matter. The author thus explains the objects of these tracts in his general Preface:

"A confiderable part of the reasoning contained in these tracts was intended to prove that the fecurity of all regular government, and the continuance of the bleffings of orderly fociety, were, under the fubfifting circumstances, effentially connected with the fate of the French monarchy; and that it was therefore the indifpenfible duty of the powers of Europe to declare for the lawful Sovereign of France, and to make his reftoration the immediate and the avowed object of the war, as the beft, and, perhaps, the only means of attaining its ultimate object, the deftruction of the common enemy of all govern.. ments, and of all establishments, religious and civil. Is there now a man in Europe, who is friendly to thofe ettablishments, who does not lament that this courfe was not followed? Is there one, who is not now convinced, that the caufe of the French monarch is that of every monarch, nay of every individual, who is defirous of the prefervation of order, and the protection of law? Is there one who does not now fee, that a declaration in favour of the Gallic King, would have been no lefs politic, than juft and honourable-that it would have conduced, more than any thing elfe, to the fuccefs of the allies, by pledging them to a common and fpecific object, and by preventing that fatal distruft and jealoufy, which a fufpicion, that each was pursuing his own private views, could not fail to exciteand that it would have deprived the French ufurpers of the only pretext they had to unite all parties in France, that of infinuating that the Combined Powers had confederated for the difmemberment and partition of the country ?"

In refpect of the propriety of making the restoration of the French Monarchy the "avowed object of the war," Mr, Bowles concurs in opinion with Mr. Burke, but differs from those who direct the councils of the British Empire. The members of adminiftration, indeed, have fo far adopted the principle as to admit that fuch restoration would be the best means of attaining its ultimate object, the deftruction of the common enemy of all governments, and of all establishments, religious and civil," but farther than this they have never gone; and, indeed, when we confider the state of the public mind, in this country, at the commencement of the war, and the efforts which were made, by a defperate faction, ftill farther to poifon and pervert it, we are led to entertain very strong doubts as to the prudence and propriety of fuch a declaration. Could the public, indeed, have been brought to defery what Mr. B. and fome others fo plainly difcovered, the object in question might have been fafely avowed, and its avowal might, probably, have ftrengthened that party__in France which was averfe from the new order of things. But, without this advantage, it would have fupplied the opponents of the war with additional weapons, which they would not have failed to employ for the fufcitation of popular discontent. The fame reasons, however, did not prevail on the Continent, where the measure recommended might have been purfued with facility and advantage.

As to the pretext" which the regicides employed "to unite all parties in France," it was one which could not have impofed on any people lefs credulous and lefs vain than the French. The erection of the Imperial Standard on the walls of Valenciennes has, we know, been adduced, even by the Royalists of France, as a proof of the interefted views of the courts of Vienna and Berlin; but this is more the language of prejudice than of reafon; and the fituation of thefe courts, at the commencement of the conteft, has never been made the fubject of cool confideration and deliberate judgement. If the Kings of Hungary and Pruffia, juftly alarmed at the deftructive principles publicly preached by the Apostles of French Liberty, had, on the paramount plan of felf-prefervation, recognized and confirmed by the Law of Nations, combined in a hoftile league, and declared war against France, it would have been, at once, their duty and their intereft, in the event of a fuccefsful invafion of the Gallic territory, ta fecure their conquefts in the name of the French Monarch. But the fact was very different; without any provocation, or even preparation, on their part, the predominating faction of the day, with Briot at their head, iffued a Decla

ration

ration of War against them; fent an army into the Austrian Netherlands, and reduced feveral places belonging to the Emperor. It was to repel this wanton and unprovoked aggreffion, and, at the fame time, to crush the principles by which it was generated, nurfed, and fupported, that the leading powers of Germany took the field; when, therefore, after driving the enemy from the pofts which he had occupied, they followed him into his own territory, and reduced his fortrelles, it was furely both natural and juftifiable to exercife the general acknowledged rights of war, and to take poffeffion of them in the name of that power by which they had been fubdued. Such a proceeding could not be regarded, except by the jaundiced eye of prejudice, as the offspring of intereft or ambition;-it was fanctioned by the conduct of every belligerent nation in every age-all cenfure, therefore, founded on this bafis is unjust.

As a question of policy or expediency, indeed, the only light in which Mr. B. has confidered it, the prudence and propriety of the measure becomes a fair ground for difcuffion, It certainly was used as a pretext for promoting that unity of effort which our author defcribes, and as certainly fucceeded. But, good Heavens! what opinion muft we entertain of a people who can be fo egregiously duped, and who can advance fuch monstrous and infupportable pretenfions? France has, during a long fucceffion of ages, been bufily employed in the augmentation of her power, and the extenfion of her territory, by conquefts and ufurpations in the neighbouring states; and it is to this very circumftance that fhe is, in a great measure, indebted for the fuccefs which has recently attended the joint operation of her arms and principles. When an attempt is made still farther to promote her aggrandizement, her people look on with filence, if not with applause, but the moment it fails, and the neceffary retribution enfues, they fly to arms; Monarchists and Republicans, Royalifts and Regicides unite; and all proclaim their determination not to fuffer the smallest diminution of her power! They will take all they can, forfooth, but allow nothing to be taken from them!

On this point, too, not only their immediate advocates in this country, but others, who are by no means friendly to their principles, concur with the ufurpers at Paris; and feem to think the project of difmembering France, (if fuch a project really exifted,)-that France, whofe gigantic ftrength has been acquired by the difmemberment of other states-would be a crime of the deepeft dye. For our part, we fhould be perfectly willing to take any fhare in the criminality of fuch an enterprize; not with a view to gratify ambition, but from

the

the conviction, that the fafety of Europe requires the impetuous torrent, which has broken down all the bounds of focial order, and swept away the fences that fhould protect religion and morality, to be confined to a more limited pace, and compreffed within a narrower bed. Vauban's "Iron Frontier," which has hitherto ferved as a means of fecurity to French aggrandizement, fhould henceforth be rendered an inftrument of protection to the neighbouring powers.-If the wings of France be not clipped, the will ultimately obfcure the world. by their expanfion.

But a measure thus refulting from a principle of felf-prefervation has nothing in common with the criminal motive of ambition, that afpires to enrich itfelf at the expence of an unoffending neighbour. In their nature, influence, and effects, they are as oppofite as the poles; we, therefore, fully agree with Mr. Bowles, that fhould the combined powers fucceed in wrefting the conquered countries from the fangs of republican defpotifm

"They must not be allowed to feed ambition. They must not even be employed as make-weights in the political fcale, to reftore, by fome new arrangements, the balance which has been for a time de ftroyed. No; they must be confidered as the means put by Providence in our hands, to effect the complete deftruction of that Revo. lutionary power, which threatens with defolation the whole habitable globe. That Power may ftill triumph, although its fpoils be wrefted from the French Republic, nay, although that Republic be overthrown, if, in confequence of its ravages, any material change were to take place in the political state of Europe. Of this its agents are fo well aware, that where they cannot entirely diforganize a country, they eagerly feize every opportunity to difturb and unfettle its ancient ties and connections; well knowing, that when the bonds, which have long holden together a community, are diffolved, time alone can give durability to new ones. This is the deep policy of the French revolutionifts, This is the object of their newly-difcovered fyftem of compenfations. Thus do they labour to undermine the foundations of Empires, and in the midft, nay, by the very terms, of a nominal Peace, carry on their plans of univerfal deftruction. To counteract fuch mifchievous policy, it must be a first principle with the Powers, confederated for the prefervation of civil fociety, to reftore, as completely as poffible, after fo tremendous a convulfion, the former sys, tem of Europe. The ftatus quo ante bellum, that is before the French Revolution, (which was, from its commencement, a War upon the whole fyftem of civilized fociety,) fhould be their Polar Star, the in. variable guide of their conduct,-They fhould, as far as fubfifting circumftances will permit, confider as facred every pre-existing relation every priftine right---every immemorial ufage-..every part of the Public Law of Europe---every former Government...every longEstablished Conftitution-in one word, whatever, till the bursting out

of

of the French Revolution, had ferved to connect people in States, or States in an harmonious and well-balanced fyftem of mutual intercourfe and dependence. Unless they act upon thefe principles, they will leave, not only the grounds of future contention among themfelves, but also the germ of future Revolutions, which French Revolutionists have fo plentifully fcattered." Pp. 33-35.

We now turn from the preface, which occupies twenty-eight pages, and contains a variety of appofite remarks, and judi cious reflections, to the ftill more important difcuffion of the "Origin of Government," a fubject of deep and permanent intereft. Amidst the falfe notions and pernicious maxims which the French revolution has engendered; amidst the dif tempered zeal and indefatigable exertions of their advocates, to propagate them in every country, it is with heart-felt concern that we have obferved the indifference difplayed by the enemies of these fantastical tenets, to fubjects of this defcription; and the little encouragement afforded to discussions which have for their object a melioration of mind, a correction of judgement, and an improvement of principle; which, by expofing the falfehood and the folly of modern theorists, remove the difcontent which their labours are intended to create; and which, by deftroying the fandy bafis eftablished by pride, prefumption, and vanity, infpire that Chriftian humility which is peculiarly favourable to the growth of religious and moral fentiment. We fhall not here enquire into the cause of this fpecies of apathy, but content ourfelves with deploring its effects, and imprecating its difcontinuance.

We lament, exceedingly, that the limits neceffarily pre fcribed to articles of criticifm, prevent us from giving the whole of Mr. Bowles's brief, but profound, difquifition of the foundation of civil fociety. We muft confine ourselves, for the prefent, to a partial quotation, and defer the farther confideration of this important topic to a future number.

"The fource of thofe erroneous and ruinous fyftems, which, in modern times, have affumed the dignified name of philofophy, is a mistaken idea refpecting the origin of government, and, indeed, of fociety. A fet of vifionary fpeculatifts, in defiance both of reafon and experience, have imagined that a ftate of fociety was preceded by, what they call, a ftate of nature; in which they fuppofe mankind to have been in a condition of perfect liberty, equality, and independence, bound by no laws, connected by no ties, fubject to no authority, and totally independent each of the reit ;--- that, fenfible of the numerous difadvantages attending fuch a fituation, and defirous of procuring the benefits of mutual aid, comfort, and defence, they agreed to unite in fociety...but that, finding it impoffible to at tain the ends of fociety without Government, and equally fo for the

whole