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might have been checked, and all the conquered countries preserved from the iron yoke of Gallic oppression. These are not ex poft facto admonitions; but potent arguments of which the justice and wisdom are established by the least fallible of all tests-the test of experience. The tracts are six in number. 1. The real Grounds of the present War with France; with a Postscript. 2. Objections to the Continuance of the War examined and refuted. 3. Reflections submitted to the Confideration of the Combined Powers. 4. Farther Reflections submitted to the Consideration of the Combined Powers. 5. Thoughts on the Origin and Formation of Political Constitutions. 6. The Dangers of premature Peace. Several valuable notes, both critical and illustrative, have been added; and, in the fifth tract, a most interesting and important discussion on the nature of Civil Liberty is introduced, for the first time, and occupies upwards of thirty pages. As the tracts themselves have been extensively circulated, and their contents, of course, well known to the public, our obfervations will be principally confined to the new matter. The author thus explains the objects of these tracks in his general Preface:
" A considerable part of the reasoning contained in these tracts was intended to prove that the security of all regular government, and the continuance of the blessings of orderly society, were, under the sub. fifting circumstances, effentially connected with the fate of the French monarchy; and that it was therefore the indispensible duty of the powers of Europe to declare for the lawful Sovereign of France, and to make his restoration the immediate and the avowed object of the war, as the best, and, perhaps, the only means of attaining its ul. timate object, the destruction of the common enemy of all govern. ments, and of all establishments, religious and civil. Is there now a man in Europe, who is friendly to those establishments, who does not lament that this course was not followed ? Is there one, who is not now convinced, that the cause of the French monarch is that of every monarch, nay of every individual, who is desirous of the pre. servation of order, and the protection of Jaw? Is there one who does not now see, that a declaration in favour of the Gallic King, would have been no less politic, than just and honourable—that it would have conduced, more than any thing else, to the success of the allies, by pledging them to a common and specific object, and by preventing that fatal distrust and jealousy, which a fufpicion, that each was pursuing his own private views, could not fail to excite-and that it would have deprived the French nfurpers of the only pretext they had to unite all parties in France, that of insinuating that the Combined Powers had confederated for the dismemberment and partition of the country pus
in respect of the propriety of making the restoration of the French Monarchy the “ avowed object of the war," Mr, Bowles concurs in opinion with Mr. Burke, but differs from those who direct the councils of the British Empire. The members of administration, indeed, have so far adopted the principle as to admit that such reltoration would be the best means “ of attaining its ultimate object, the destruction of the common enemy of all governments, and of all establishments, religious and civil,” but farther than this they have never gone; and, indeed, when we consider the state of the public mind, in this country, at the cominencement of the war, and the efforts which were made, by a desperate faction, still farther to poison and pervert it, we are led to entertain very strong doubts as to the prudence and propriety of such a declaration. Could the public, indeed, have been brought to descry what Mr. B. and some others so plainly discovered, the object in question might have been safely avowed, and its avowal might, probably, have ftrengthened that party in France which was averse from the new order of things. But, without this advantage, it would have supplied the opponents of the war with additional weapons, which they would not have failed to employ for the suscitation of popular discontent. The same reasons, however, did not prevail on the Continent, where the measure recommended might have been pursued with facility and advantage.
As to the " pretext” which the regicides employed “to unite all parties in France,” it was one which could not have imposed on any people less credulous and less yain than the French. The erection of the Imperial Standard on the walls of Valenciennes has, we know, been adduced, even by the Royalists of France, as a proof of the interested views of the courts of Vienna and Berlin; but this is more the language of prejudice than of reason; and the situation of these courts, at the commencement of the contest, has never been made the subject of cool consideration and deliberate judgement. If the Kings of Hungary and Prussia, justly alarmed at the destructive principles publicly preached by the Apostles of French Libcrty, had, on the paramount plan of self-preservation, recognized and confirmed by the Law of Nations, combined in a hostile league, and declared war against France, it would have been, at once, their duty and their intereft, in the event of a successful invasion of the Gallic territory, to fecure their conquefts in the name of the French Monarch. But the fact was very different; without any provocation, or even preparation, on their part, the predominating faction of the day, with Brilot at their lead, issued a Decla
ration of War against them; fent an army into the Austrian Netherlands, and reduced several places belonging to the Emperor. It was to repel this wanton and unprovoked age grellion, and, at the same time, to crush the principles by which it was generated, nursed, and supported, that the leading powers of Germany took the field; when, therefore, after driving the enemy from the ports which he had occupied, they followed him into his own territory, and reduced his fortrelles, it was surely both natural and justifiable to exercise the general acknowledged rights of war, and to take pofleflion of them in the name of that power by which they had been subdued. Such a proceeding could not be regarded, except by the jaundiced eye of prejudice, as the offspring of interest or ambition ;-it was sanctioned by the conduct of every belli, gerent nation in eyery age :--all censure, therefore, founded on this basis is unjust.
As a question of policy or expediency, indeed, the only light in which Mr. B. has considered it, the prudence and propriety of the measure becomes a fair ground for discussion. It certainly was used as a pretext for promoting that unity of effort which our author describes, and as certainly succeeded, But, good Heavens! what opinion must we entertain of a people who can be so egregioully duped, and who can advance such monstrous and insupportable pretensions? France has, during a long fucceffion of ages, been busily employed in the augmentation of her power, and the extension of her territory, by conquests and usurpations in the neighbouring states; and it is to this yery circumitance that she is, in a great measure, indebted for the success which has recently attended the joint operation of her arms and principles. When an attempt is made still farther to promote her aggrandizement, her people look on with silence, if not with applause, but the moment it fails, and the necessary retribution ensues, they fly to arms; Monarchists and Republicans, Royalists and Regicides unite; and all proclaim their determination not to suffer the smallest diminution of her power! They will take all they can, forfooth, but allow nothing to be taken from them!
On this point, too, not only their immediate advocates in this country, but others, who are by no means friendly ta their principles, concur with the usurpers at Paris; and seem to think the project of dismembering France, (if such a project really existed,)--that Françe, whose gigantic strength has been acquired by the dismemberment of other states--would be a crime of the deepest dye. For our part, we should be perfe&ly willing to take any share in the criminality of such an enterprize; not with a view to gratify ambition, but from
the convi&tion, that the safety of Europe requires the impetuous torrent, which has broken down all the bounds of social order, and swept away the fences that should protect religion and morality, to be confined to a more limited space, and compressed within a narrower bed. Vauban's “ Iron Frontier," which has hitherto served as a means of security to French aggrandizement, should henceforth be rendered an instrument of protection to the neighbouring powers.- If the wings of France be not clipped, the will ultimately obscure the world by their expansion.
But a measure thus resulting from a principle of self-prefervation has nothing in common with the criminal motive of ambition, that aspires to enrich itself at the expence of an unoffending neighbour. In their nature, influence, and effects, they are as opposite as the poles; we, therefore, fully agree with Mr. Bowles, that should the combined powers succeed in wresting the conquered countries from the fangs of republican despotism
" They must not be allowed to feed ambition. They must not even be employed as make-weights in the political scale, to restore, by some new arrangements, the balance which has been for a time destroyed. No; they must be considered as the means put by Provi. dence in our hands, to effect the complete destruction of that Revo. lutionary power, which threatens with desolation the whole habitable globe. That Power may still triumph, although its spoils be wrested froin the French Republic, nay, although that Republic be overthrown, if, in consequence of its ravages, any material change were to take place in the political state of Europe. Of this its agents are so well aware, that where they cannot entirely disorganize a country, they eagerly seize every opportunity to disturb and unsettle its ancient ties and connections ; well knowing, that when the bonds, which have long holden together a community, are dissolved, time alone can give durability to new ones. This is the deep policy of the French Tevolutionifts, This is the object of their newly-discovered fyftem of compensations. Thus do they labour to undermine the foundations of Empires, and in the midst, nay, by the very forms, of a nominal Peace, carry on their plans of universal destruction. To counteract such mischievous policy, it must be a first principle with the Powers, confederated for the preservation of civil society, to restore, as completely as possible, after so tremendous a convulsion, the former fyf. tem of Europe. The status quo ante bellum, that is before the French Revolution, (which was, from its commencement, a War upon the whole fyftem of civilized society,) Mould be their Polar Star, the in. variable guide of their conduct,—They should, as far as sublisting circumstances will permit, consider as sacred every pre-exiiting relation --every pristine right---every immemorial usage---every part of the Public Law of Europe ---every former Government.--every long. established Constitution -- in one word, whatever, will the bursting out
of the French Revolution, had served to connect people in States, or States in an harmonious and well-balanced fyftem of mucual intercourse and dependence. Unless they act upon these principles, they will leave, not only the grounds of future contention among themfelves, but also the germ of future Revolutions, which French Revolutionists have so pientifully scattered." Pp. 33–35.
We now turn from the preface, which occupies twenty-eight pages, and contains a variety of apposite remarks,' and judi. cious reflections, to the still more important discussion of the “ Origin of Government,” a subject of deep and permanent interest. Amidst the false notions and pernicious maxims which the French revolution has engendered ; amidst the dirtempered zeal and indefatigable exertions of their advocates, to propagate them in every country, it is with heart-felt con cern that we have observed the indifference displayed by the enemies of these fantastical tenets, to subjects of this description; and the little encouragement afforded to discussions which have for their object a melioration of mind, a correction of judgement, and an improvement of principle; which, by exposing the falsehood and the folly of modern theorists, remove the discontent which their labours are intended to create; and which, by destroying the sandy basis established by pride, presumption, and vanity, inspire that Christian humility which is peculiarly favourable to the growth of religious and moral sentiment. We shall not here enquire into the cause of this species of apathy, but content ourselves with deploring its effects, and imprecating its discontinuance.
We lament, exceedingly, that the limits necessarily prefcribed to articles of criticism, prevent us from giving the whole of Mr. Bowles's brief, but profound, disquisition of the fouridation of civil society. We must confine ourselves, for the present, to a partial quotation, and defer the farther confideration of this important topic to a future number.
“ The source of those erroneous and ruinous systems, which, in modern times, have affumed the dignified name of philofophy, is a miftaken idea respecting the origin of government, and, indeed, of society. A fet of visionary speculatiíis, in defiance both of reason and experience, have imagined that a itate of society was preceded by, what they call, a state of nature; in which they suppose mankind to have been in a condition of perfect liberty, equality, and independence, bound by no laws, connected by no ties, subject to no authority, and totally independent each of the rest ;---that, fenfible of the numerous disadvantages attending such a situation, and desirous of procuring the benefits of mutual aid, comfort, und defence, they agreed to unite in society... but that, finding it impollible to at. tain the ends of sociecy without Government, and equally so for the