26

MASSASOIT.

[BOOK II. but ordinarily n in the place thereof.)* He desired to speak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly, Keen Winsnow? which is to say, Art thou Winslow? I answered, Ahhe, that is, Yes. Then he doubled these words: Matta neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow!—that is to say, O Winslow, I shall never see thee again!" But contrary to his own expectations, as well as all his friends, by the kind exertions of Mr. Winslow, he in a short time entirely recovered. This being a passage of great interest in the life of the great Massasoit, we will here go more into detail concerning it. When he had become able to speak, he desired Mr. Winslow to provide him a broth from some kind of fowl: "so (says he) I took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some sixscore paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered: so we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he much desired; never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat it; this he acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would not be persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the weakness of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health." As Winslow had said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with such violence that it made the blood stream from his nose. This bleeding caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nose ceased bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After he awoke, Mr. Winslow washed his face "and supplied his beard and nose with a linnen cloth," when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely ejecting it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants thought he could not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon stopped, and he gained strength rapidly.

For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed that his preservation at this time was owing to the benefit he received from Mr. Winslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, Mr. Winslow broke a bottle containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recovery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens; in which he gave him an account of his success thus far. The intention was no sooner made known to Massasoit, than one of his men was sent off, at two o'clock at night, for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness. The chickens being alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, being better, would not suffer them to be killed, and kept them with the idea of raising more. While at Massasoit's residence, and just as they were about to depart, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate chiefs for the purpose of cutting off the two English plantations, which he charged him to acquaint the English with, which he did. Massasoit stated that he had been urged to jom in it, or give his consent thereunto, but had always refused, and used his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the evils which that plot brought upon its authors will be found in the history of Wittuwamet.

At this time the English became more sensible of the real virtues of Massasoit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people was manifested by his desiring Mr. Winslow, or, as Winslow himself expresses it, "He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] requesting me to wash their mouths also, [many of his people being sick at that time,] and give to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk"

* Every people, and consequently every language, have their peculiarities. Baron Lahontan, Memoires de la Amerique, ii. 236, 237, says, "Je dirai de la langue des Hurons et des Iroquois une chose assez curieuse, qui est qu'il ne s'y trouve point de lettres labiales; c'est a dire, de b, f, m, p. Cependant, cette langue des Hurons paroît être fort belle et de un son tout a fuit bean; quoi qu'ils ne ferment jamais leurs lèvres en parlant." And "J'ai passé quatre jours à vouloir faire prononcer à des Hurons les lettres labiales, nuris je n'ai pû y réüssir, et je crois qu'en dix ans ils ne pourrout dire ces mots, bon, fils, Monsieur, Pontchartrain; car au lieu de dire bon, ils diroient ouon, au lien de fils, ils prononceroient rils; au lieu de monsieur, caounsieur, au lieu de Pontchartrain, Conchartrain." Hence it seems their languages are analo gous.

An account of his character as given by Hobomok will be found in the life of that chief or paniese.

"Many whilst we were there (says Winslow) came to see him; some, by their report, from a place not less than 100 miles from thence."

In 1632, a short war was carried on between Massasoit and Canonicus, the sachem of the Narragansets, but the English interfering with a force under the spirited Captain Standish, ended it with very little bloodshed. Massasoit expected a serious contest; and, as usual on such occasions, changed his name, and was ever after known by the name of Owsamequin, or Ousamequin. Our historical records furnish no particulars of his war with the Narragansets, fur ther than we have stated.

We may infer from a letter written by Roger Williams, that some of Plinouth instigated Massasoit, or Ousamequin, as we should now call him, to lay claim to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble, because, in that case, his lauds were considered as belonging to Plimouth, in whose jurisdiction he was not suffered to reside; and, moreover, he had bought and paid for all he possessed, of the Narraganset sachems. It was in 1635 that Mr. Williams fled to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to England. He found that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh were at bitter cnmity with Ousamequin, but by his great exertions he restored peace, without which he could not have been secure, in a border of the dominion of either. Ousamequin was well acquainted with Mr. Williams, whom he had often seen during his two years' residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he listened readily to his benevolent instructions; giving up the land in dispute between himself and the Narraganset sachems, which was the island now called Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and perhaps some others, together with Providence. "And (says Mr. Williams) I never denied him, nor Meantinomy, whatever they desired of me." Hence their love and attachment for him, for this is their own mode of living.

It appears that, before Miantunnomoh's reverses of fortune, he had, by some means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Ousamequin. For at the meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in the autumn of 1643, they order, "That Plymouth labor by all due means to restore Woosamequin to his full liberties, in respect of any encroachments by the Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives; that so the properties of the Indians may be preserved to themselves, and that no one sagamore encroach upon the rest as of late: and that Woosamequin be reduced to those former terms and agreements between Plymouth and him."*

Under date 1638, Gov. Winthrop says, "Owsamekin, the sachem of Acoomemeck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and brought a present of 18 skins of beaver from himself and the sachems of Mohegan beyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett." They having heard that the English were about to make war upon them was the cause of their sending this present. The governor accepted it, and told Ousamequin, that if they had not wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to fear; and, giving him a letter to the governor of Connecticut, dismissed him well satisfied.t

In 1649, Ousamequin sold to Miles Standish, and the other inhabitants of Duxbury," a tract of land usually called Saughtucket," seven miles square. This was Bridgewater. It had been before granted to them, only, however, in preemption. They agreed to pay Ousamequin seven coats, of a yard and a half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten and a half yards of cotton cloth.

By a deed bearing date 9th March, 1653, Ousemaquin and his son Wamsitto, [Wamsutta,] afterwards called Alexander, sold to the English of Plimouth "all those severall parcells of land lyeing on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke, alias Rehoboth, bounded by a little brooke of water called Moskituash westerly, and soe runing by a dead swamp eastward, and soe by marked trees as Ousamequin and Wamsitto directed, unto the great riuer, and all the meadow about

28

MASSASOIT.

[BOOK II the sides of both, and about the neck called Chachacust, also Papasquash neck, also the meadow from the bay to Keecomewett," &c. For this the consideration was “£35 sterling."

By a writing bearing date "this twenty-one of September, 1657," Ousamequin says, "I Vssamequen do by these presents ratify and allow the sale of a certain island called Chesewanocke, or Hogg Island, which my son Wamsitta sold to Richard Smith, of Portsmouth in R. I., with my consent, which deed of sale or bargain made the 7th of February in the year 1653, I do ratify, own and confirm."

66

In 1656, Roger Williams says that Ousamequin, by one of his sacheins, was at daily feud with Pumham about the title and lordship of Warwick; and that hostility was daily expected. But we are not informed that any thing serious took place.

This is the year in which it has been generally supposed that Ousamequin died, but it is an error of Hutchinson's transplanting from Mr. Hubbard's work into his own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that of the "History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay," is no wonder; but it is a wonder that the "accurate Hutchinson" should set down that date, from that passage of the Indian Wars, which was evidently made without reflection. It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence.

That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records between 1657 and 1661, a space of only about three years, as we have shown, is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely subservient to the English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before disposed of, or given up to them. This, therefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet with his name to deeds and other instruments. And, besides this consideration, another sachein was known to be associated with him at the former period, who seems to have acted as Ousamequin's representative.

He was alive in 1661, and as late in that year as September.* Several months previous to this, Oneko, with about seventy men, fell upon a defenceless town within the dominions of Ousamequin, killing three persons, and carrying away six others captive. He complained to the General Court of Massachusetts, which interfered in his behalf, and the matter was soon settled. †

From the "Relation" of Dr. I. Mather, it is clear that he lived until 1662. His words are," Alexander being dead, [having died in 1662,] his brother Philip, of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled sachem, but immediately, in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of his bloody treachery against the English." ‡

Hence, as we do not hear of Alexander as sachem until 1662, which is also the year of his death, it is fair to conclude that he could not have been long in office at the time of his death; nor could he have been styled "chief sachem until after the death of his father.

Whether Massasoit had more than two sons, is not certain, although it is confidently believed that he had. It is probable that his family was large. A company of soldiers from Bridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip, took his sister, and killed a brother of Ousamequin, whose name was Unkompoen, § or Akkompoin. That he had another brother, called Quadequina, has been mentioned.

Gov. Winthrop gives the following anecdote of Ousamequin. As Mr. Edward Winslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left his vessel, he traveled home by land, and in the way stopped with his old friend Massasoit, who agreed to accompany him the rest of the way. In the mean time, Ousamequin sent one of his men forward to Plimouth, to surprise the people with the news of Mr. Winslow's death. By his manner of relating it, and the particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its truth, and every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But

* Some records which Mr. Daggett consulted in preparing his History of Attleborough, led him to conclude that Massasoit died previous to June, 1660.

† Original manuscript documents. The particulars of these matters will be given at large, when we come to treat of the life of Uncas.

+ Relation, 72.

§ I. Mather, 44.

Church, 38, edit. 4to.

presently they were as much surprised at seeing him coming in company with Ousamequin. When it was known among the people that the sachem had sent this news to them, they demanded why he should thus deceive them. He replied that it was to make him the more welcome when he did return, and that this was a custom of his people.

One of the most renowned captains within the dominions of Massasoit was CAUNBITANT, whose residence was at a place called Mettapoiset, in the present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that of the famous Metacomet. The English were always viewed by him as intruders and enemies of his race, and there is little doubt but he intended to wrest the country out of their hands on the first opportunity.

In August, 1621, Caunbitant was supposed to be in the interest of the Narragansets, and plotting with them to overthrow Massasoit; and, being at Namasket seeking, say the Pilgrims, "to draw the hearts of Massasoyť's subjects from him; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it; also at Tokamahamon, and one Hohomok, (two Indians or Lemes, one of which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's,) Tokamahamon went to him, but the other two would not; yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see if they could hear of their king, and, lodging at Namaschet, were dicovered to Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum, (for he had said, if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue.) Hobbamok seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held [holding] a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New Plimouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slain." Upon this the Plimouth people sent an expedition, under Standish, of 14 men," and Hobbamok for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum on Coubatant our bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof, another sachem, or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend Massasoyt."

After much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to find Caunbitant. "Before we came to the town (says the narrator) we sat down and eat such as our knapsacks afforded; that being done, we threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so went on and beset the house, according to our last resolution. Those that entered, demanded if Coubatant were not there; but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We charged them not to stir, for if Coubatant were not there, we would not meddle with them; if he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tisquantum, and other matters: but howsoever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, some of them pressed out at a private door, and escaped, but with some wounds. At length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant was returned [home] with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living, and in the town; [then] offering some tobacco, [and] other, such as they had to eat."

In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two guns were fired "at random," to the great terror of all but Squanto and Tokamahamon, "who, though they knew not our end in coming, yet assured them [so frightened] of our honesty, [and] that we would not hurt them." The Indian boys, seeing the squaws protected, cried out, Neensquaes! Neensquaes! that is, I am a squaw! I am a squaw and the women tried to screen themselves in Hobomok's presence, reminding him that he was their friend.

This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and must have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever heard before. The relator proceeds: "But to be short, we kept them we had, and made them make a fire that we might see to search the house; in the meantime,

Corbitant, Coubatant, and Conbitant, were ways of writing his name also, by his con temporaries.

Ten, says the Relation.

30

TREATY WITH THE INDIANS.

[Book II Hobbamok gat on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokamakamon." They soon came, with some others with them, some armed and others naked. The English took away the bows and arrows from those that were armed, but promised to return them as soon as it was day, which they probably did.

They kept possession of the captured wigwam until daylight, when they released their prisoners, and marched into the town (as they call it) of the Namaskets. Here, it appears, Squanto had a house, to which they went, and ↑ Jok breakfast, and held a court afterward, from which they issued forth the following decree against Caunbitant :—

"Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Coubatant's faction were fled away. There in the midst of them we manifested again our intendment, assuring them, that, although Coubitant had now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly deserved it. Moreover, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Narrohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobomok, or any of Massasoyt's subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those [who] were wounded, [how many is not mentioned,] we were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house at our command: yet, if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them. At this offer one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us, Tisquantum and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that by God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth." *

Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunbitant became in appearance reconciled to the English, and on the 13th Sept. following (1621) went to Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession of Massasoit that he became again reconciled, but the English always doubted his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or submission was in these words:

"Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten, do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King James, king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names, or marks, as followeth :

OHQUAMEHUD,
CAWNACOME,
OBBATINNUA,

Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and of others very little.

Obbatinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawmut, where Boston now stands.

Cawnacome and Apannow may be the same before spoken of as Coneconam and Epanow, though I am rather of opinion that Apannow means Aspinet of Nauset. Nattawahunt we shall again meet with, under the name Nashoonon. Coneconam was sachem of Manomet, on Cape Cod.

When, in the winter of 1623, the English traversed the country to trade with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other chiefs; who, they say, "it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the Indians. For whilst the governor was there, within night, in bitter cold weather, came two men from Manamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bows

* From Mourt, ut supra, and signed only with the capital letter A, which is supposed to stand for Isaac Allerton, who accompanied Standish perhaps. From the use of the pronoun in the first person, the writer, whoever he was, must have been present

+ See chapter i. of b. ii.