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to give credit to the complaints of the orthodox against the Arians, we must certainly regard them as the most execrable set of men that ever lived. They are loaded with all the crimes that can possibly be committed, and represented as bad, if not worse, than infernal spirits. And had the writings of the Arians not been destroyed we should, no doubt, have found as many and grievous charges laid by them, perhaps with equal justice against the Athanasians. Constantius banished Athanasius from his bishoprick at Alexandria, and wrote a letter to the citizens, in which he terms him " an impostor, a corrupter of men's souls, a disturber of the city, a pernicious fellow, one convicted of the worst crimes, not to be expiated by his suffering death ten times ;" and a bishop, named George, was put into his see, whom this eloquent emperor is pleased to style " a most venerable person, and the most capable of all men to instruct them in heavenly things." Athanasius, however, in his usual style, calls him "an idolater and hangman; and one capable of all kinds of violence, rapine, and murders," and whom he actually charges with committing the most impious actions and outrageous cruelties.

The truth is, that the clergy of the Catholic church were now become the principal disturbers of the empire; and the pride of the bishops, and the fury of the people on each side had grown to such a height, that the election or restoration of a bishop seldom took place in the larger cities, without being attended with scenes of slaughter. Athanasius was several times banished and restored at the expense of blood. What shall we make of the Christianity of the man who could act thus, or countenance such proceedings? Had Athanasius been influenced by the benign and peaceable spirit of the gospel, he would at once have withdrawn himself from such disgraceful scenes, and preferred to worship God in the society of

SECT. II.] Effects of the Arian controversy.

247

only a dozen day-labourers in a cellar or a garret, to all the honour and all the emolument which he could derive from being exalted to the dignity of archbishop of Alexandria, on such degrading conditions. One can scarcely forbear contrasting his conduct with the behaviour of Him, whose servant he professed to be. "When Jesus perceived that they would come and take him by force, and make him a king, he departed again into a mountain Falone." John vi. 15. The fruits of the Spirit are not turbulence and strife; but " love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, fidelity, meekness, and temperance; and they that are Christ's have crucified the flesh with its 'affections and lusts." Gal. v. 22. The orthodox were deposed, and the Arians substituted in their places, with -the murder of thousands; and as the controversy was now

no longer about the plain doctrines of uncorrupted Chris¬ ་་ tianity, but about secular honours and dignified, preferments, so the bishops were introduced into their churches and placed upon their thrones by armed soldiers. And ́ ́ when once in actual possession, they treated those who *"differed from them without moderation or mercy, turning them out of their churches, denying them the liberty of worship, fulminating anathemas against them, and persecuting them by every species of cruelty, as as is evident from the accounts given by the ecclesiastical historians of Athanasius, Macedonius, George, and others. In short, 15 they seem to have treated one another with the same imSplacable bitterness and severity, as their common enemies, the heathen, had ever exercised towards them, or as though they thought persecution for conscience-sake had been the distinguishing characteristic of the Christian resligion, and that they could not more effectually recom15 mend themselves as the disciples of Christ, than by deyouring each other. This made Julian, the emperor, say of them, that he found by experience, that even the beasts

of the forest are not so cruel as the generality of Christians then were to one another. Such was the wretched state of things in the reign of Constantius, which affords us little more than the history of councils and creeds differing from, and clashing with each other-bishops deposing, censuring, and anathematizing their adversaries, and the people divided into factions under their respective leaders, for the sake of words, of the meaning of which they understood nothing, and contending for victory even to bloodshed and death. Thus, as Socrates observes, "was the church torn in pieces for the sake of Athanasius and the word consubstantial!"

It probably would not be easy to sketch in few words a more striking picture of these times than that which is given us by Ammianus Marcellinus, who, having served in the armies, had the best opportunities of studying the character of Constantius. "The Christian religion, which in itself," says he, "is plain and simple, he confounded by the dotage of superstition. Instead of reconciling the parties by the weight of his authority, he cherished and propagated, by verbal disputes, the differences which his vain curiosity had excited. The highways were covered with troops of bishops, galloping from every side to the assemblies, which they called synods; and while they laboured to reduce the whole sect to their own particular opinions, the public establishment of the posts, was almost ruined by their hasty and repeated journies.”* It was certainly a very just, though severe censure, which Gregory Nazianzen passed upon the councils that were held about this time. "If I must speak the truth," says he," this is my resolution, to avoid all councils of the bishops, for I have not seen any good end answered by any synod whatsoever; for their love of contention, and their lust of power, are too great even for words to express.”+ * Ammianus Marcellinus, I. xxi, ch. 16. + Opera, vol. i. epist. 55.

SECT II.] Contention for the See of Rome.

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The scepticism of Gibbon, has subjected him to an unmeasureable effusion of rancour from the clergy of his day; and far be it from me to stand forward the advocate of scepticism in any man; but I most cordially agree with that eminent writer, when he says, "the patient and humble virtues of Jesus should not be confounded with the intolerant zeal of princes and bishops, who have disgraced the name of his disciples.”*

So fascinating is the influence of worldly pomp and splendour upon the human mind, that it is not to be wondered at, that the see of Rome became at this time a most seducing object of sacerdotal ambition. In the episcopal order, the Bishop of Rome was the first in rank, and distinguished by a sort of pre-eminence over all other prelates. He surpassed all his brethren in the magnificence and splendour of the church over which he presided; in the riches of his revenues and possessions; in the number and variety of his ministers; in his credit with the people; and in his sumptuous and splendid manner of living. Ammianus Marcellinus, a Roman historian, who lived during these times, adverting to this subject, says, "It was no wonder to see those who were ambitious of human greatness, contending with so much heat and animosity for that dignity, because when they had obtained it, they were sure to be enriched by the offerings of the matrons, of appearing abroad in great splendour, of being admired for their costly coaches, sumptuous in their feasts, out-doing sovereign princes in the expenses of their table." This led Protextatus, an heathen, who was præfect of the city, to say, " Make me Bishop of Rome, and I'll be a Christian too!"

In the year 366, Liberius, bishop of Rome, died, and a violent contest arose respecting his successor. The city was divided into two factions, one of which elected Da

'VOL. I.

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masus to that high dignity, while the other chose Ursicinus, a deacon of the church. The party of Damasus prevailed, and got him ordained. Ursicinus, enraged that Damasus was preferred before him, set up separate meetings, and at length he also obtained ordination from certain obscure bishops. This occasioned great disputes among the citizens, as to which of the two should obtain the episcopal dignity; and the matter was carried to such a height, that great numbers were murdered on either side in the quarrel-no less than one hundred and thirty-seven persons being destroyed in the very church itself!* But the very detail of such shameful proceedings is sufficient to excite disgust, and enough has been said to convince any unprejudiced mind of the absurdity of looking for the kingdom of the Son of God in the "Catholic church,” as it now began to be denominated. "The mystery of iniquity," which had been secretly working since the very days of the apostles (2 Thess. ii. 7.) had nevertheless been subject to considerable control, so long as paganism remained the established religion of the empire, and Christians were consequently compelled to bear their cross, by patiently suffering the hatred of the world, in conformity to the captain of their salvation. But no sooner was this impediment removed, by the establishment of Christianity, under Constantine, than " the Man of Sin' -"the Son of perdition" began to be manifest. Men were now found, professing themselves the disciples of the meek and lowly Jesus, yet walking after the course of this world, "lovers of their ownselves, covetous, boasters, proud, blasphemers,-traitors, heady, high-minded, lovers of pleasure more than lovers of God"-" having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof."+ And, as this state of things continued to increase in progressive enormity, until it ultimately brought forth

* Socrates' Eccl. Hist. b. xxvi, ch. 3.

† 2 Tim, iii. 3-5,

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