entered into and executed? The treaty, the title of which had just been read, depended entirely upon events that were unknown and might not happen, in which case the treaty was never to be ratified. This treaty, therefore, was no more than a speculative essay, a mere contemplative project. He should reserve his sentiments upon the message till a future day; but he could not avoid reprobating the late long adjournment of parliament, as a matter highly criminal in ministers, who, as they must have known that a war with Holland was likely to take place, ought not to have adjourned, or but for a very short period. How that adjournment came to be for so long a time, and why so material a circumstance as a declaration of war with Holland was ventured on by ministers during a recess, when there was the strongest reason for them to have kept parliament in hand, was a matter which would be well worth a future enquiry.

Lord North then moved an Address of Thanks to his majesty ; upon this a debate arose, in the course of which,

Mr. BURKE lamented the dreadful situation into which this country had been plunged by the folly and ignorance of ministers. He asked what was the reason we were at present without an ally? This was owing to a spirit of arrogance in our councils. The consequence was, that after Holland, we should have Russia and all the other .armed neutral powers against us. In the natural course of things, that which carried an evil aspect turned out often to be beneficial in its consequence. Peradventure, added

he, this armed neutrality, hostile in appearance to Great Britain, might in case of extremity interpose and raise up its friendly arm to support her from sinking, and to preserve the proper balance of power: but now that we had rushed on precipitately to attack one of these armed powers, the others, connected together by the same treaty and alliance, would soon follow. Holland might be considered, from her situation and other circumstances, as a

kind of general market, in which all the kingdoms of Europe were more or less connected. Her commerce was a kind of commercial neutrality; and so enlarged were her views, as not only to supply other nations at war, but even her own enemies, with warlike articles, to be employed against herself. The cause, therefore, of a nation, considered as so universally useful, would be a common one. He could not, he said, give his approbation of a war big with such dreadful consequences, without having more information before him..

MR. FOX's MOTION RELATIVE TO THE APPOINTMENT OF SIR HUGH PALLISER TO THE GOVERNMENT of GREENWICH HOSPITAL.

February 1.

THIS day Mr. Fox made his promised motion relative to the appointment of Sir Hugh Palliser to the government of Greenwich Hospital. The clerk of the House having at his request read the copy of the charges exhibited by Sir Hugh against Admiral Keppel, the sentence of the court-martial on those charges, the charge and sentence of Vice-Admiral Palliser's court-martial, Mr. Speaker Norton's speech on delivering the thanks of the House of Commons to Admiral Keppel and the answer made thereto by the Admiral, Mr. Fox rose, and concluded a most able speech with moving, "That the appointment of Sir Hugh Palliser to the government of Greenwich Hospital, who, by a sentence of a court-martial, is declared to have preferred a malicious and ill-founded accusation against his commander-in-chief, is a measure subversive of the discipline, and derogatory to the honour of the British navy." The defence of Sir Hugh Palliser was taken up by Lord North, who proposed various amendments to Mr. Fox's motion, until at length it was moulded with no small difficulty, into the following form: "That the appointment of Sir Hugh

Palliser to be governor of Greenwich Hospital, who, by the of ficers who sat on the court-martial held for the trial of Admiral Keppel, and before whom Sir Hugh Palliser was not charged with any malice in the accusation of the said admiral, or heard in his defence, is declared to have preferred an ill-founded accusation against his commander-in-chief, and whose conduct on the 27th of July, 1778, by a subsequent court-martial, was, after a full examination, declared to be in many respects highly exemplary and meritorious, and who has, during the course of fortyfive years, served the crown, both in his civil and military capacity, with great ability, bravery, and fidelity, was a measure totally subversive of the discipline, and derogatory to the honour of the navy." The question was taken up with great vigour, and obstinately maintained on both sides. Mr. Fox was powerfully supported by Mr. Burke, Lord Howe, Admiral Keppel, Mr. Thomas Townshend, and Mr. Dunning. In the. course of his speech, Sir Hugh Palliser observed, that he was glad to see an honourable gentleman (Mr. Burke) opposite to him, who was lately returned to his seat, as he had something to say which he should have been unwilling to mention behind his back. He had been told, that on a former occasion, whilst he was overwhelmed with injustice and oppression, and driven to a state of despair and adversity, the honourable gentleman had proposed that an ample pension should be settled on him, to enable him to live comfortably in retirement. This he considered as the most indignant insult which one man could offer to another in his then situation. He considered it as a bribe held out to him to sacrifice his own honour, to subscribe to his own guilt, though he knew himself innocent, to tempt him to avoid a fair trial, and thereby to conceal from the public truths which they had a right to know. But rather than accept such a proposal, he would submit to be reduced to stand at his own gate, and beg from every traveller that pased, except indeed the honourable gentleman who was capable of making so indignant a proposal should pass; for from him he would not, even under the severest extremity of wretchedness, deign to receive assistance. Yet he would thank the honourable gentleman for one thing he had said, which was, that if Sir Hugh Palliser was obstinately bent on having a trial, he solemnly washed his hands of the poor gentleman's blood, but he would take care it should not be a sham trial; for this, Sir Hugh said,

he returned thanks, for he thought that it added lustre to his acquittal.

Mr. BURKE said, he never rose in that House without some pain, being perfectly conscious that however pure his intention might be, and however great his zeal to serve his country, he was but little entitled to trouble the House, and rarely made them amends for the attention with which they honoured him; but if his uneasiness was at any time of his rising peculiarly painful to him, it was so most of all, when he had occasion to speak upon so miserable and insignificant a subject as himself. Such, however, was his situation at that hour, that he was under the necessity, the indispensable necessity, of troubling the House upon the singularity of what had happened to him. Before he came into that House, (out of which, God knew, he was extremely willing to have continued, had his friends been of the same opinion that he entertained *,) he had heard that the noble lord in the blue ribbon, in the course of a debate which had taken a turn towards the very topic at that moment under the consideration of the House, had done him the honour to allude to some words supposed to have fallen from him in a debate two years since, and which words were the cause of the expressions of anger used against him by the honourable vice-admiral opposite to him in one part of the speech. He stood thus singularly circumstanced: the noble lord, professing to defend the vice-admiral, and professing to pay a compliment to him, had held up his supposed words, as a proof of his liberality and benevolence towards the vice-admiral, and as a proof of his persuasion of that gentleman's

* At the general election which took place in September 1780, Mr. Burke finding that his support of the Irish Trade Bills, and his voting on Sir George Savile's bill in favour of the Roman Catholics, had dis pleased a great part of his constituents, declined standing for Bristol, and took his seat, in the new parliament, for Malton. For his speeches at Bristol previous to the election, and on declining the poll, see Burke's Works, vol. iii. pp. 333.429.

merit and claim to reward from the crown. Such was the comment, and such was the construction put upon his phrases by the noble lord; those very phrases, which the honourable vice-admiral spurned at, and declared he felt "to be the most indignant insult that could be offered him, because it was a bribe held out to him to sacrifice his own honour, to subscribe to his own guilt, though he knew himself innocent, to tempt him to avoid a fair trial, and thereby to conceal from the public truths which they had a right to know." The honourable vice-admiral had gone farther had said, he would sooner be reduced to the necessity of begging his bread at his own door, than accept this bribe, and would sooner die in a ditch than deign to

receive his charity.

In answer to all this, Mr. Burke assured the honourable vice-admiral he had totally mistaken his meaning: whenever he intended to act in the manner the vice-admiral had conceived, first of all he would take care that both his bribes and his charity should be offered in private. He would neither propose the one in a popular assembly, nor administer the other in the public street. As little did he mean to give the House to understand, as the noble lord in the blue ribbon had chosen to interpret, that he thought Sir Hugh Palliser worthy of a reward. God knew, he had not an idea of either bribe or reward! How ridiculous must it appear in him to talk either of bribes or rewards; the house well knew he had it not in his power to bestow either. He had no such power at the time alluded to any more than at present: the noble lord in the blue ribbon was perfectly aware of this; the noble lord knew where the power lay, and who it was that was best able to tempt by a bribe, or to gratify by a reward; else whence the majority that attended the noble lord when he divided upon the ques tion started by his honourable friend who made the motion respecting Sir Hugh Palliser two years ago? The first idea, for the reasons he had stated, had never once entered his thoughts; the second, neither at the period of time that passed between the trial of his honourable, his worthy, his