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he adds, were given him, "in language calculated to convey conviction" to his mind. Another despatch from Count Bismarck, and a report by Lord Granville of corresponding statements made to him by Count Bernstorff, conclude the discussion between the British and German Governments :

Versailles, January 20, 1871. Herewith I send your Excellency a copy of a despatch dated the 7th of January inst., addressed by Lord Granville to Mr. Odo Russell, and communicated by the latter to me, in answer to my despatch to your Excellency of the 24th. It affords me satisfaction to see that Lord Granville acknowledges that our despatch of the 3rd of December was not founded on any intention of denouncing the Treaty of 1867, and that it relates only to military measures of defence against the injuries arising from the violation of the neutrality, which measures, as the royal British Secretary of State admits, may be justified by the state of affairs. Under these circumstances I quite agree with Lord Granville that in the particular case the question only depends on the actual state of affairs, and further discussion would be superfluous. I request your Excellency to tell the royal British Secretary of State this, and to express my thanks for his communication. "VON BISMARCK.”

In addition, the papers contain the correspondence between M. Servais, the Minister-President of the Luxemburg Government, and Count Bismarck. It is unnecessary to enter into the details of the accusation and defence, the more so as the correspondence ends with the very reasonable proposal by Count Bismarck, which was at once accepted by M. Servais, that a special Plenipotentiary should be sent to Luxemburg "to enter into a consideration with the Grand Ducal Government as to the means by which a recur

rence of the errors that have occurred may be prevented in future." M. Servais writes with equal fairness and moderation, and makes out a very good case. To our Minister at the Hague he observes that, at the commencement of the war, fearing these difficulties, he suggested "the appointment in the Grand Duchy of agents " who might ascertain the authenticity of facts alleged by either belligerent. This offer was declined by our Government, and M. Servais bases on this a claim for the acceptance of his statements. He also points out "that the neutrality conferred on certain States in Europe would no longer have any real existence, if the existence of a State constituted as neutral in virtue of a treaty could depend on the will of a single one of the contracting Powers." He observes, with some reason, that since the Treaty of 1867 restricted the Luxemburg forces to the numbers necessary to maintain order, allowances should be made for any apparent failure to deal with large numbers of foreign soldiers. He proves, too, that his Government had taken numerous precautions, for some of which they had received the thanks of the Prussian Minister, and that the Prussians as well as the French had infringed the neutrality of the Duchy. At the same time the French Minister in Brussels avows to Mr. Lumley that he, of his own authority, had sent the provisions in question to Thionville, with a view of relieving Bazaine's army in the event of its breaking through the German lines. The impression created by this part of the correspondence is, in short, that the complaints of the Prussian Government were exaggerated, that the Luxemburg Government did its best to observe neutrality, but that it was very difficult for it to avoid being compromised by others-both Germans and French.

VII.

LORD LYONS AND THE BRITISH RESIDENTS IN

PARIS.

AMONG the Parliamentary papers of the Session relating to the war appeared a correspondence between the Foreign Office and Lord Lyons respecting the departure of the Ambassador from Paris and the provision made for the withdrawal of British subjects. The last letter of the series is dated Bordeaux, February 26, and contains Lord Lyons' answer to the

charges made against him in Parliament. He writes:

"I perceive that observations have been made in both Houses of Parliament on the fact of my having left Paris in the month of September last, and on the steps which I took to provide for the protection of British subjects there during my absence. "I do not think it necessary to say

much here on the first point. I was advised to remove to Tours by M. Jules Favre, and pressed to accompany them to that place by the representatives of the Great Powers of Europe. I travelled to Tours with the representatives of Austria, Italy, Russia, and Turkey, and we were followed immediately by the Spanish Charge d'Affaires, and afterwards by the representatives of other Powers. In fact, the only chief of a diplomatic mission from a great Power who stayed in Paris was Mr. Washburne, the United States Minister. As representing a nation which punctiliously abstains from taking part in the political affairs of Europe, Mr. Washburne had not the same reasons as the representatives of European Powers for removing to a place at which he could serve as a means of communication between his Government and the Government of France; and, as being charged with the protection of North German subjects in France, he was allowed by the German military authorities facilities for correspondence during the siege which were denied to the representatives of other Governments. I conceived at the time that it was my duty neither to reject the advice of the French Minister for Foreign Affairs nor to separate myself from my principal colleagues, and I thought it would be on all accounts inexpedient for me to allow myself to be shut up in Paris and to be deprived of all speedy and satisfactory means of communicating with your lordship. My subsequent experience has, I confess, confirmed me in these opinions. On the day after I left Paris, all communication by road with that place was intercepted, and on the following day the last telegraphic wire was cut. The diplomatists who were left in the besieged city were refused by the German authorities positively all facilities for corresponding with their Governments otherwise than by letters left open for the inspection of those authorities. My having resided at the seat of the Delegation of the Government at Tours, and having followed them to Bourdeaux, have been accepted by the French as manifest proofs of the desire of Her Majesty's Government to maintain intimate and friendly relations with them, while my doing so has afforded Her Majesty's Government the readiest and most effectual means of maintaining such relations in fact.

"On the question of the provision made by me for the protection of British subjects when I myself left Paris, it may perhaps be desirable that I should make some explanation in addition to the reports which I addressed to your lordship at the time. The objections made

against the course I took appear to resolve themselves into a complaint that I did not leave Mr. Atlee the Consul at Paris, instead of or in addition to Mr. Wodehouse, one of the Secretaries of the Embassy.

"What happened was this. When it became apparent that an attack upon Paris was imminent I naturally became desirous of reducing the number of members of the Embassy whom I kept with me there to the lowest point compatible with the performance of the work. Much of the ordinary business, and in particular the not inconsiderable part of it caused by the passage of Queen's messengers, and the necessity of transmitting without delay despatches brought by them, was sure to be suspended by the siege; consequently, I thought that the services of two of the members of the Chancery might be temporarily dispensed with. It so happened that two of these had wives and families, while the rest were unmarried. I therefore selected, as most proper to send away, the two married men, of whom Mr. Atlee was one.

"As your lordship is aware, although Mr. Atlee holds a commission as Consul, his principal functions are those of Attaché Librarian and Registrar to the Embassy. In ordinary times there are some technical advantages in having a person with the character of Consul in immediate connexion with the Embassy, among which may be reckoned his collecting, on account of Her Majesty's Government, Consular fees, which considerably exceed in amount the Consular salary allowances.

"Under the circumstances, however, under which my departure took place, there were certainly no special functions which could be better discharged by a Consul than by a Secretary of the Embassy. I had no power to take out of the hands of the committee of the British Charitable Fund the management of the charitable contributions for the relief of distressed British subjects. I had most certainly no wish to do so. On the contrary, I had the fullest confidence in the members of that committee, whom the most generous motives induced to stay in Paris; and the noble and unwearied devotion with which they have discharged the benevolent duties they undertook have more than justified the high opinion I had formed of them. In fact, the object which rendered the presence of a member of the Embassy in Paris desirable was that he should communicate officially with the French Government and exercise an influence with them on behalf of Her Majesty's subjects; and it appeared to me that I should better provide for the attainment of this object by presenting a secretary to

the Minister for Foreign Affairs as representative of the Embassy than by simply leaving a Consul in the town. I accordingly presented Mr. Wodehouse to M. Jules Favre in that capacity. In fact, while Mr. Wodehouse could perfectly well perform all the functions that could be discharged by a Consul, he was in a much better position than a Consul could have been for communicating efficiently with the Minister for Foreign Affairs or other French authorities.

"I was naturally anxious not to expose any of Her Majesty's servants unnecessarily, and I conceived that by stationing Mr. Wodehouse and General Claremont, the Military Attaché at Paris, I made the best provision in my power for the protection of the British subjects who remained there.

"I left with Mr. Wodehouse orders to come away from Paris himself if the place should be threatened with immediate bombardment, and in that case to do his utmost to obtain a safe passage out for all British subjects. I considered that in such a contingency the protection of any of our countrymen who might still remain could not be transferred to better hands than to those of General Claremont, who, from his intimacy with General Trochu, and his large acquaintance among French military men and well-known influence with them, would have peculiar means of befriending and assisting British subjects, if actual danger from military operations should be imminent."

VIII.

THE BLACK SEA CONFERENCE.

PROTOCOLS OF CONFERENCES HELD IN LONDON RESPECTING THE TREATY OF MARCH 30, 1856.

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ceed to the choice of our President. you have been so good as to permit me to speak on this occasion, I have the honour to propose to you to entrust the Presidency of this assembly to his Excellency Earl Granville, Principal Secretary of State of Her Majesty the Queen for Foreign Affairs.

"Not only is this an act of respect due to the august Sovereign under whose auspices we are called upon to fulfil an important mission, but it is at the same time an expression of the confidence which is inspired in our Governments and in all of us by the eminent qualities which render the noble lord so well fitted to give the best direction to the labours of the Conference, and by the enlightened solicitude with which he has applied himself since the commencement of the incident which is to occupy our attention, to preparing the way for a solution in conformity with international law and with the general desire for the preservation of peace."

This proposal having been unanimously adopted, Earl Granville assumes the Presidency, and expresses himself as follows:

"I hasten to thank the Turkish Ambassador for the kind manner in which he has brought forward the proposal which

you, gentlemen, have been so good as to agree to.

"I propose to you, gentlemen, to entrust to Mr. Stuart the drawing up of the Protocols of the Conference."

This proposal having also been agreed to, Mr. Stuart is introduced, and the Plenipotentiaries proceed to the verification of their respective powers, which are found in good and due form.

Earl Granville then resumes:

"I am deeply sensible," he says, "of the honour which you have done me in calling on me to be President of this Conference.

"At the moment of commencing the discussion of a great European question in which France is deeply interested, and for which she has formerly made great sacrifices, I cannot but express my great regret, which I am sure, gentlemen, is shared by you, at not seeing her represented among us to-day.

"But M. Jules Favre, designated as Plenipotentiary of France, not being able to be present at our meeting to-day, it only remains to me to propose to you that we should record by general agreement our hope that the French Plenipotentiary will eventually adhere to any decision to be taken in this sitting, and that I should be permitted to communicate confidentially to the Chargé d'Affaires of France the details of our labours to-day."

The Plenipotentiaries having declared their complete assent on these points, Earl Granville continues :

"The Conference has been accepted by all the co-signatary Powers of the Treaty of 1856, for the purpose of examining without any foregone conclusion and of discussing with perfect freedom the proposals which Russia desires to make to us with regard to the revision which she asks of the stipulations of the said Treaty relative to the neutralization of the Black Sea.

"This unanimity furnishes a striking proof that the Powers recognize that it is an essential principle of the law of nations that none of them can liberate itself from the engagements of a treaty, nor modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of the contracting parties by means of an amicable understanding.

"This important principle appears to me to meet with general acceptance, and I have the honour to propose to you, gentlemen, to sign a Protocol ad hoc."

The Protocol in question is then submitted to the Conference and signed by all the Plenipotentiaries, who further decide that it shall be annexed to the general Protocol of the present sitting, and that on his arrival, the Plenipoten

tiary of France shall be requested to add his signature to it.

After expressing how much he shares in the regret of the President at not seeing France represented at the meeting of to-day, the Plenipotentiary of Turkey declares that he has agreed in the name of his Government to the principle laid down by the President with so much the more readiness, inasmuch as the Sublime Porte has, on all occasions, recognized its binding character, and has constantly conformed its policy thereto in its relations with foreign nations.

The Plenipotentiary of Austria-Hungary says that the imperial and royal Government has not hesitated to accept the meeting of this Conference, which has been called to give a fresh pledge for the faith of treaties and for the principles as well as the interests which they are designed to secure.

He adds that it is in a spirit of conciliation and of equitable appreciation that the Government of His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty has charged him to enter into the examination of the questions with which the Conference is to be occupied. These sentiments are the more in conformity with the intentions of the Austro-Hungarian Government as it sees in them the means of once more placing on record, by means of an impartial examination, the agreement of the Powers on the important questions which form the object of the Treaty signed at Paris on the 30th of March, 1856.

The Plenipotentiary of Italy is rejoiced at the agreement of the Powers resulting from the Protocol which has just been signed, and at the declarations of the Plenipotentiaries, in which he hastens to join. Italy will be happy to lend her hearty assistance to the important work of general interest for which the Conference has met, and to enter upon it in the fullest spirit of equity and conciliation.

On the invitation of the President, the Plenipotentiary of Russia speaks. He requests the permission of the Conference to read a summary which he wishes to be inserted in the Protocol:

"The Plenipotentiary of Russia recapitulated the circumstances and facts which, since the signature of the Treaty concluded at Paris on the 18th of March, 1856, have induced the Powers who signed it to give their assent to different modifications which have contributed to alter in part the letter of the original stipulations.

"He instanced specially the precedent of the Conferences held at different periods at Paris, and cited the decisions,

S

adopted by general agreement with the view of modifying the Government of the Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia -an alteration which received the sanction of the Sublime Porte, as well as the assent of the other contracting Powers.

"He affirmed that these deviations from the Treaty have exercised no influence on the firm intention of the Emperor to maintain intact the general principles of the Treaty of 1856, which have defined the position of Turkey in the system of Europe.

"After having explained the views of his august master on this subject, the Plenipotentiary of Russia pointed out how much the present situation of Europe differs from that which existed at the time of the Congress of Paris.

"At the present moment, taking into serious consideration the changes gradually produced by the course of time, the Plenipotentiary of Russia thinks the conclusion must be drawn that it would be an act of prudent and wise policy to submit the stipulations of 1856, relative to the navigation of the Black Sea, to a revision guided by an unanimous sentiment of equity and concord.

"In fact, these stipulations, suggested at another period under the influence of conjunctures entirely different from the present situation, are no longer in harmony with the relations of good neighbourhood which exist at this moment between the two Riverain Powers.

"Further, the Plenipotentiary of Russia, in conformity with the instructions with which he is provided, declared that his august master attaches a just importance to this revision in the double interest of the security and of the dignity of his empire.

"In acquitting himself of the orders of his Court on this point, he expressed the hope that the new arrangements resulting from this revision will contribute to the confirmation of peace, which forms the subject of general solicitude on the part of all the great Powers whose Representatives are assembled in Conference in London."

The Plenipotentiary of Turkey says that he appreciates the spirit of conciliation which has dictated the statement of the Plenipotentiary of Russia, and that, animated by the same conciliatory spirit, he will abstain from discussing certain points of that statement on which he differs, and reserves the opinion of his Government.

He observes, however, that the Sublime Porte regards the incident submitted to the consideration of the Conference from a higher point of view; that, in

fact, His Imperial Majesty the Sultan desires to maintain with His Majesty the Emperor of Russia the best relations of friendship and good neighbourhood; and and that, above all, the Sublime Porte is anxious to give, in the present circumstances, a proof of its conciliatory disposition and of its solicitude for the cause of peace, by joining in the examination of a question which equally concerns other great Powers, and which might otherwise lead to complications which it is in the general interest to prevent.

He declares that it is with this desire and with these views that his august Master has commanded him to represent his Government in the Conference.

He concludes by begging the President to be so good as to postpone the next sitting for some days, with the consent of the other members of the Conference, in order that he may have time to consider the proposal of the Plenipotentiary of Russia.

The Plenipotentiary of North Germany says that he is anxious to place on record, at the opening of the Conference, that the Government of the King his august master, in being the first to propose a meeting in Conference of the Plenipotentiaries of the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris of March 30, 1856, has done so in a spirit of conciliation, of equity, and of peace, and that it is in this same spirit that his Court has instructed him to support and to recommend to the serious consideration of the Plenipotentiaries of the other Powers represented in the Conference the desire of the Imperial Government of Russia to see the stipulations of 1856, relative to the navigation of the Black Sea, submitted to a revision which should eliminate certain clauses, the restrictive character of which, as regards the exercise of the rights of sovereignty of the two Riverain Powers, seems rather calculated to maintain a state of uneasiness between them than to confirm more and more, as is essentially desirable for the maintenance of tranquillity in the East, the relations of good neighbourhood which are happily established between the two Powers, and of which the Plenipotentiaries of Russia and Turkey have both of them just given evidence.

His Majesty's Government has been guided in this incident by the desire of bringing about, on the questions connected with the navigation of the Black Sea, a general understanding between the great Powers of Europe, which cannot but contribute powerfully to the security of the East and to the maintenance of the independence and integrity of the Ottoman

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