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Paris, were possessed of a necklace of diamonds of extraordinary value and beauty. The price they fixed upon it was 1,800,000 livres: it had been offered to the Queen, and rejected by her as too expensive. One of the Lavillette forgeries announced to the Cardinal that her Majesty was very desirous of employing him in a secret negotiation of the greatest importance to her, the details of which were entrusted to Madame la Motte, and would be by her revealed to the Cardinal. This secret negotiation was, of course, to purchase the necklace for the Queen upon his own credit. The necklace accordingly is bought by the Cardinal for her Majesty: and sold in London by Madame la Motte. The jewellers come to an explanation with the Queen— and the Cardinal and Madame la Motte are put upon their trial. One of the dramatis persona; is Cagliostro, a compound of madness and imposture, who appears to have acquired a very extraordinary ascendancy over the mind of the Cardinal, but to have had no participation in the villany of Madame la Motte. In the trial, it appeared, beyond all doubt, that the Cardinal was innocent, and that he had been completely duped by Madame la Motte. Nor was there any reason, from the evidence, to believe that any guilt attached to the Queen, that Madame la Motte had acted under her direction, or that she had had any share in the deceit practised upon the Cardinal. It stuck to her, however; and, during the French Revolution, was made use of to increase the public hatred against that unfortunate woman. * Every honest Jacobin will, of course, believe that the Queen planned the whole scheme, received the money, and sacrificed Madame la Motte to save her own reputation. For ourselves, we cannot see why as strict justice is not as due to a queen as to any other person: and we do firmly believe Marie Antoinette (whatever were her other faults) to have been innocent of this. The singularity of the story is, that a person of the Cardinal's age, dignity, and acquaintance with the world, should have been so miserably duped by an adventurer, whom any schoolboy, conversant with Gil Bias, ought to have detected and handed over to the police. But the holy man seems to have been quite mad with baseness and credulity. Much as bishops love queens, we do not think we have one on the Bench who could have been the dupe of Madame la Motte.

The principal facts which the Abbe touches on in the reign

* The Dutchess de Polignac, no doubt, was sent over to Bath by the Queen, to keep Madame la Motte quiet with money; but this was, in all probability, the mere cowardice of the Court.

of Louis XV., are the dismissal of the Duc d'Aiguillon, the recal of the Count de Maurepas, the disgrace of the Chancellor Maupeou, the reestablishment of the Parliament of Paris, the administrations of M. Turgot, Necker, Joly de Fleury, and the intrigues of the Abbé de Vermond, to put the Queen at the head of affairs. After this comes the administration of Calonne, his dismissal, the recal of Necker, the States-General, and the Revolution.

We have often observed, that there is no species of hatred greater than that which a man of mediocrity bears to a man of genius. His reach of thought, his successful combinations and his sudden felicities, are never forgiven by those whom nature has fashioned in a less perfect mould. The eagle cannot soar, but the crows are chattering against him. We have seen, in the course of our existence, many respectable, limited men, whose highest gratification it would have been to have tormented men of genius with red-hot pincers; and torn them limb from limb, victims to insulted mediocrity. Such are the feelings of the excellent Abbé towards the minister Turgot, one of the wisest, most enlightened, and virtuous men that ever directed the affairs of the French monarchy :—dismissed, at the first clamour against improvement, by the unfortunate timidity and irresolution of Louis the XVIth. The appointment of the Count de Ségur to the ministry, instead of the Count de Puységur, is a very entertaining story; and serves, more than a thousand volumes could do, to show in what manner the affairs of that unfortunate Court were conducted.

'Ce renvoi indispensable donna cependant du dégoût et de l'ennui au comte de Maurepas; toute secousse dans le ministère ou dans le gouvernement étoit un vrai tourment pour son aine, amie de la paix et du repos ; aussi quand le roi le consulta sur le successeur du prince de Montbarrey, il parut très-peu disposé à désigner quelqu'un, afin, disoit-il, de n'être responsable de ses faits et gestes. Pressé néanmoins par Louis XVI, il indiqua le comte de Puységur, lieutenantgénéral des armées, et grand'eroix de l'ordre de Saint-Louis : il ajouta qu'il lui croyoit des connoissances militaires et du talent; mais il n'engagea pas le roi à le nommer.

'Pendant ce temps, le parti de la reine s'agitoit pour assurer à cette princesse une influence prépondérante dans le gouvernement; la nomination d'un ministre de la guerre de son choix, y étoit un acheminement puissant. La reine étoit donc circonvenue afin de la déterminer à user enfin de tout son ascendant sur le cœur et l'esprit de son auguste époux. "Quel moment plus favorable à saisir pour "ne pas être refusée? La santé de M. de Maurepas déelînoit "sensiblement; un accès de goutte, auquel son grand âge l'empê- "cheroit enfin de résister, pouvoit inopinément enlever ce ministre "à la confiance du roi: il devenoit donc instant de commencer.à "établir sa domination par le choix de ministres entièrement dé*

"voués."

'Tels étoient les conseils donnés à Marie•Antoinette.

'Parmi les personnes admises dans l'intimité de la reine, se trouvoit le comte de Bezenval, surnommé le Suisse de Cythère, grand'croix de l'ordre de Saint-Louis. Sans cesse occupé de donner à sa majesté les preuves du plus entier dévouement, il crut pouvoir lui proposer pour le ministère de la guerre le comte de Ségur, lieutenant-général, homme capable, disoit-il, décoré diupremier ordre de l'Etat (celui du Saint-Esprit), ministre dont le porte-feuille ne con'iendroit jamais que le résultat des désii do la souveraine. Ce choix fut agréé: dès le soir même le comte de Ségur fut proposé au roi. Louis XVI chérissoit la reine; si quelquefois il rej jussoit avec dureté les demandes de son épouse, c'étoit l'effet d'un premier mouvement qu'il ne pouvoit réprimer, et qui provenoit d'une éducation négligée et d'un caractère que l'on n'avoit pas dompté dans les premières années de sa jeunesse: on pourroit ajouter que ses brusqueries avoient également pour cause la défiance de ses propres moyens. Cependant on savoit généralement que Louis XVI, dans beaucoup d'occasions, aimoit à donner à son illustre compagne les témoignages de la plus vive tendresse. La demande du ministère de la guerre pour M. de Ségur fut donc accordée avec d'autant plus de plaisir et de promptitude, que les noms de Ségur et de Puységur se confondant dans l'esprit du roi, il imagina, dans le premier moment, que le ministre proposé par la reine étoit celui indiqué par M. de Maurepas. "Je le veux bien, "dit Louis XVI; M. de Maurepas m'en a déjà parlé." La reine, satisfaite, mande à l'instant le comte de Ségur, le présente elle-même au roi qui lui dit: " Allez remercier M. de Maurepas qui m'a parlé "de vous." Le nouveau ministre se rend chez le comte de Maurepas pour lui exprimer toute sa reconnoissance de la grâce signalée dont le roi venoit de l'honorer. "C'est à vous, monsieur le comte, ajouta"t-il, que j'en suis redevable." Le ministre principal, étonné de cette nomination inattendue dont le roi ne l'avoit pas encore entretenu, répondit à M. de Ségur avec sécheresse: " Je désire, mon"sieur, que le roi soit content du choix qu'il vient de faire, mais "je vous assure que je n'y ai aucune part." Le résultat de cette entrevue, dont M. de Ségur vint bien vite rendre compte à la reine, donna beaucoup d'inquiétude au parti qui triomphoit déjà.'Le comte de Maurepas se crut supplanté; et, dans un premier mouvement, il écrivit au roi " qu'il prioit sa majesté, puisque ses ser"vices n'étoient plus jugés utiles, de trouver bon qu'il se retirât à "Pont-chartrain pour soigner sa santé et y terminer ses jours avec "tranquillité." Il donna en même temps les ordres de tout disposer pour son départ. M. de Maurepas m'appela chez lui pour me rendre des papiers dont il avoit désiré la communication; après qu'il me les eut remis, il me fit, avec sa bienveillance ordinaire, le récit de ce qui venoit d'arriver, et me dit qu'il avoit pris la résolution de fee retirer à Pont•chartrain. J'étois occupé à la combattre aveochaleur, lorsqu'on vint le chercher de la part du roi. L'appartement de M. de Maurepas étoit le même qu'avoit occupé madame du Barry; il communiquoit à celui du roi par un escalier dérobé. Le ministre descendit sur-le-champ, et trouva le roi et la reine réunis, qui l'accueillirent avec la plus grande bonté, et lui témoignèrent l'un et l'autre combien ils étoient affectés d'un événement qui l'affligeoit au point de vouloir les abandonner. Leurs majestés daignèrent l'assurer que jamais e s n'avoient' eu l'intention de lui causer un pareil désagrément. "J'ai cru, ajouta le roi, que vous m'aviëz in"diqué le comte de Ségur.—Non, sire, répondit M. de Maurepas;"c'étoit le comte de Puységur Eh bien! reprit aussitôt sa ma-"jesté, M. de Ségur n'est pas encore installé, je vais révoquer sa "nomination." La reine ajouta avec cette grâce qui lui étoit toute particulière: "Je serais la première à solliciter cette révoca"tion, si la retraite d'un homme en qui le roi a mis si justement "sa confiance, devoit en être la suite." M. de Maurepas, touché de tant de déférence, crut devoir ne pas se laisser vaincre en générosité: il représenta au roi que "cette nomination étant connue et faite "sur la demande de la reine, il étoit de la dignité royale de la main"tenir; que les bontés actuelles de leurs majestés le dédommageoient "amplement de cette méprise, qui lui avoit effectivement fait croire * qu'il n'étoit plus digne de leur confiance; qu'on pouvoit faire l'es"sai des talens du comte de Ségur, et qu'il le seconderoit de son "mieux par respect pour le choix du roi et la protection de la

«e • »»

"reine.

'Leurs majestés, charmées de ce résultat, ordonnèrent au nouveau ministre de retourner chez M. de Maurepas le remercier, et de ne rien faire sans ses conseils et son aveu.' I. 543-8.

As he advances in the Revolution, our good Abbé becomes very dull, and very foolish. Of the crimes and horrors of that miserable period of human history, there cannot be, and there are not, two opinions: But though they failed in it, the French had a right to make the effort for a better government. They lived under a despotism which every wise and good man must have wished to destroy. There existed among them privileged peers, monopolizing all honours, offices, and distinctions, and exempt from burthens. They were governed by valets, mistresses, and chambermaids. Property had no security from royal rapacity, nor liberty from royal caprice. Such a state of things naturally engendered that universal hatred and contempt of their rulers which is the sure forerunner of revolutions. It so happened, that they brought upon themselves worse evils than they attempted to cure. This does not show, however, that there was no evil, and could be no cure; but only that they mistook the cure. The Abbé Georgel, indeed, is of a different opinion: and seems to suppose, that the only legitimate object for which thirty millions of French people existed, was the comfort and happiness of their King and Queen. By us, on this side of the water, it has occasionally been contended, that kings and queens were at first invented, and are still paid, fed, lodged and clothed, for the good and convenience of their people;—truths which it would be wrong to insist upon too often, for fear kings should be reverenced too little—but which it is right to bring forward sometimes, lest kings should forget themselves into tyrants, and subjects into slaves.

Art. VIII. Manuscrit de ride d'Elbe. Des Bourbons en 1815Publie par le Comte . 8vo. pp. 100. Ridgway, London, 1818.

't'his is a very singular publication; and so greatly superior -*- in merit to all the others which have either proceeded from the persons about Buonaparte, or been imposed upon the world as his and theirs, that we are induced to take notice of it. The St Helena manuscript, by far the cleverest of the former productions of this class, is now generally admitted not to be authentic; although the best informed persons, and those who intimately know both the man and the events,—arma virumque,—are agreed that it bears marks of some authority, and are disposed to think it the work of writers who have been much in Buonaparte's society. The tract now before us, is given to the world as his own work; and a very absurd story is told in the Preface, which will probably have the effect of making most readers throw down the book as a clumsy fiction. The editor says, that Buonaparte sent for him at two o'clock in the afternoon, on the 20th February 1815, and made him wait while he wrote for an hour with a pencil; that he then gave him the paper to copy, which was done with some difficulty, and was found to contain merely the argument or contents of a treatisein several chapters; that between two and three in the morning of the 22d, he was called up and ordered again to attend, when Buonaparte dictated to him till ten o'clock as quick as he could speak. He adds, that though he wrote short-hand, he had much difficulty in following him, and was several times obliged to stop and rest his fingers, which could not continue their work; and he found that Buonaparte's rate of dictating was twenty octavo pages in an hour. The fatigue, it seems, prevented him from finishing the copy before the 26th, when Buonaparte left Elba, and intended to take the writing with him, as a sort of extended manifesto of his reasons against the Bourbons. Having known the person to whom the St Helena manuscript was sent, the editor thought

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