judgment gradual and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of congress with the census tables and the treasury reports before him, can readily see for himself, how very soon the current expenditures of this war would purchase at a fair valuation all the slaves in any named state. Such a proposition on the part of the general government, sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere with slavery within state limits, referring as it does the absolute control of the subject in each case, to the state and its people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them.

In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, "The Union must be preserved and hence all indispensable means must be employed." I said this not hastily; but deliberately. War has been and continues to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical acknowledgment of the national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue, and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend, and all the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable or may absolutely promise great efficiency toward erding the struggle, must and will come. The proposition now made is an offer only. and I hope it may be esteemed no offence to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered, would not be of more value to the states and private persons concerned, than are the institution and property in it, in the present aspect of affairs? While it is true, that the adoption of this proposed resolution would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important results. In full view of my great responsibility to God, and to my country, I earnestly beg the attention of congress and the people to the subject. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Both branches of Congress adopted the resolution by large majorities. The Southern States rejected the overtures of peace on any terms that did not recognize the independence of the Southern Confederacy. Their armies had, so far, been more successful in the field than the armies of the nation, and they thought that their ultimate success was only a question of time and perseverance. They spurned the proffered hand that was held out to them, and the world knows the result. Notwithstanding their rejection of this offer, Lincoln entertained no animosity, no vindictive feeling toward the South, but continued to place himself between slavery and any

attempt by his subordinates to interfere with it.

On May 9th, 1862, General Hunter, at Hilton Head, issued a proclamation declaring slavery and martial law incompatible, and emancipating the slaves. in Georgia, Florida and South Carolina. As soon as the President heard of it, he issued a counter proclamation to the effect that neither General Hunter nor any other commander or person had any authority from the Government of the United States to issue a proclamation declaring the slaves of any state free, and that the supposed proclamation was altogether void. He went on to say that this was a power that he reserved to himself. He then referred to the resolution of March 6, and reproduced it, stating that it had been adopted by both houses of Congress, "and now stands as an authentic, definite and solemn pledge of the nation to the states and people most immediately interested in the subject matter." Addressing his remarks to the people of the South, he said:

To the people of these states, I mostly appeal. I do not argue,-I beseech you to make the argument for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you, a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging if it may be, far above partisan and personal politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it contemplates, would come as gently as the dews of heaven, not rending nor wrecking any thing. Will you embrace it? So much good has not been by one effort in all past time, as in the Providence of God is now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that you neglected it.

History records no more eloquent or touching appeal to a people to act for their own good and for their own advantage than this.

On July 12, following, Lincoln held a conference with the congressmen from Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware and Missouri, in which he urged them to use their best efforts to induce their respective states to adopt a system of emancipation, with compensation for their slaves. The proposition was thoroughly discussed in the states mentioned, and,

unfortunately for them it was rejectednot one of them taking advantage of the offer. Speaking of the conference with the congressional delegation from the border states, Lincoln said to Colonel McClure: "I believed that the indispensable necessity for military emancipation would come unless averted by gradual and compensated emancipation." In his interview with the members of Congress he said:

I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once, to emancipate gradually. The pressure is still upon me and is increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me and much more can relieve the country, on this important point. Our common country is in great perii, demanding the loftiest views and boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand. To you more than to any others, the privilege is given to assure that happiness and to swell that grandeur and to link your names therewith forever.

Speaking of these overtures by Lincoln, Colonel McClure says: "Strange as it may now seem, in view of the inevitable tendency of events at that time, these appeals of Lincoln were not only treated with contempt by those in rebellion, but the border states congressmen, who had every thing at stake, and who, in the end, were compelled to accept forcible emancipation without compensation, although themselves not directly involved in rebellion, made no substantial response to Lincoln's efforts to save their states and people. Thus did the South disregard repeated importunities to accept emancipation with payment for their slaves. During long, weary months, Lincoln had made temperate utterance on every possible occasion, and by every official act that could direct the attention of the country, he sought to attain the least violent solution of the slavery problem, only to find that they would make no terms with the government."

Not discouraged, though to some extent disheartened, Lincoln continued his efforts to do something that would bring about the desired result. In July, 1862, he sent the following to Congress:

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Washington, July 14, 1862. Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House of

Representatives:

Herewith is the draft of a bill to compensate any state which may abolish slavery within its limits, the passage of which substantially as presented, I respectfully and earnestly recommend.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assesmbled, That whenever the president of the United States shall be satisfied that any state shall have lawfully abolished slavery within and throughout such state, either immediately or gradually, it shall be the duty of the president, assisted by the secretary of the treasury, to prepare and deliver to each state an amount of 6 per cent interest bearing bonds of the United States, equal to the aggregate value at dollars per head of all the slaves within such state as reported by the census of 1860; the whole amount for any one state to be delivered at once if the abolishment be immediate, or in equal annual installments if it be gradual, interest to begin running on each bond at the time of delivery and not before. And be it further enacted, That if any state having so received any such bonds, shall at any time afterwards, by law, reinstate or tolerate slavery within its limits, contrary to the, act of abolishment, upon which such bonds shall have been received by said state, said bonds shall at once be null and void in whosesoever hands they may be, and such state shall refund to the United States all interest which may have been paid on such bonds.

This bill was never passed by Congress, and it is doubtful whether it was ever debated. At any rate, it was never acted upon by any of the slave states. But it shows the earnest and persistent desire of Lincoln to do no act of injustice to the South, or to listen to the clamors of those who were urging him on to free the slaves. All this time an immense pressure was being brought to bear on him by the radicals of the North to issue an emancipation proclamation, many of whom were more interested in the destruction of slavery, than they were in the preservation of the Union. was standing firm against the tide and bearing on his shoulders a burden of which the country at large, and especially the South, knew nothing.

Finally, on September 22, 1862, unable to longer withstand the urgent demands, Lincoln issued his prelimnary emancipation proclamation, in

which he gave the South until January 1, 1863, to lay down their arms and acknowledge the supremacy of the Government of the United States; otherwise, he would proclaim the slaves in the states at war with the government, free. Even then he excepted certain parishes in Louisiana, including the city of New Orleans. Accordingly on January 1, 1863, the South not having accepted the terms offered, the proclamation was issued declaring the slaves in the Confederate states, free. Notwithstanding the proclamation had gone into effect, Lincoln did not despair of rendering the South a fair compensation for their slaves. Colonel McClure said, in reference to an interview he had with the President in August, 1864, "He had but a single purpose, and that was the speedy and cordial restoration of the dissevered states. He cherished no resentment against the South, and every theory of reconstruction that he ever conceived or presented was eminently peaceful and looking solely to reattaching the estranged people to the government. I was startled when he first suggested that it would be wise to pay the South $400,000,000 as compensation for the abolition of slavery; but he reasoned well on the subject, and none could answer the arguments he advanced in favor of such a settlement of the war. He took from the corner of his desk a paper, written in his own hand-writing, proposing to pay the South $400,000,ooo as compensation for their slaves, on condition that the states should return to their allegiance to the Government and accept emancipation."

Colonel McClure adds: "I shall never forget the emotion exhibited by Lincoln, when, after reading this to me, he said, 'If I could only get this proposition before the Southern people, I believe they would accept it, and I have faith that the Northern people, however startled at first, would soon appreciate the wisdom of such a settlement of the war. One hundred days of war would cost us the $400,000,000 I would propose to give for emancipation and a restored Republic, not to speak of the priceless sacrifice of life and the additional sacrifice of prop

erty; but were I to make this offer now, it would defeat me inevitably and probably defeat emancipation."

The subject seemed to be ever on his mind, and he frequently spoke of it to his most confidential friends. On February 5, 1865, he formulated a message. to Congress in which he proposed to pay $400,000,000 to the South for emancipating the slaves. The message was submitted to the Cabinet and was unanimously rejected. There was nothing for Lincoln to do but accept the verdict and make the best of it. On the message he made this endorsement: "February 5, 1865. Today these papers which explain themselves, were drawn up and submitted to the Cabinet and unanimously disapproved by them." In referring to the subject he said: "We are now spending $3,000,000 a day, which will soon amount to all this money, besides the lives."

In February, 1865, a conference was held at Hampton Roads by Lincoln and Seward for the Government, and Alexander H. Stephens, R. M. Hunter and John A. Campbell for the South, for the purpose of coming to some understanding in reference to an exchange of prisoners and possibly suggesting some means of settling the conflict that was costing so much blood and money.

It may be foreign to the subject in hand, but in view of the fact that so many in the North have tried to depreciate General Grant's ability, it may be interesting to know what the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy thought of him. While waiting for the arrival of his colleagues, Mr. Stephens called on Grant at his headquarters, and in speaking of the interview, he said:

I was never so much disappointed in my life in my previously formed opinions of either the personal appearance or bearing of any one about whom I had read and heard so much. The disappointment moreover, was in every respect favorable and agreeable; I was instantly struck with the great simplicity and perfect naturalness of his manners, and the entire absence of every thing like affectation, show or even military air or mien of men in his position. He was plainly attired, sitting in a log cabin, busily writing on a small table by a kerosene lamp. There was nothing in his appearance or surround

ings which indicated his official rank. There were neither guards nor aids about him. His conversation was easy and fluent without the least effort or restraint. I noticed nothing so closely as the point and terseness with which he expressed whatever he said. He did not seem to either court or avoid conversation; but whenever he did speak, what he said was directly to the point, and covered the whole matter in a few words. I saw before being with him long, that he was exceedingly quick in perception and direct in purpose, with a vast deal more brains than tongue, as ready as that was at his command. The more I became acquainted with him, the more thoroughly I became impressed with the very extraordinary combination of rare elements of character which he exhibited. Upon the whole, the conviction in my mind was, that he was one of the most remarkable men I had ever met with, and that his career in life, if his days should be prolonged, was hardly entered upon; that his character was not yet fully developed; that he himself was not aware of his own powers and that if he lived, he would in the future exert a controlling influence in shaping the destinies of his country, for either good or evil.

When the other members of the conference arrived, the meeting took place in the cabin of one of Grant's despatch boats in Hampton Roads. This article. has nothing to do with the conference, except so far as it touches the institution of slavery and confiscation. Mr. Lincoln said that so far as the confiscation acts, and other penal acts, were concerned, their enforcement was left entirely with him, and on that point he was perfectly willing to be full and explicit, and on his assurance, perfect reliance might be placed. He should exercise the power of the executive with the utmost liberality. He added that he was willing to be taxed to remunerate the Southern people for their slaves. He believed the people of the North were as responsible for slavery as the people of the South, and if the war would then cease with the voluntary abolition of slavery by the Southern states, he would be in favor, individually, of the Government paying a fair indemnity to the owners. He said he believed the feeling had an extensive existence in the North. He knew some who were in favor of appropriating as high as $400,000,000 for this purpose. "I could mention persons," he said, "whose names would astonish you, who are willing to do this if the war shall now

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cease without further expense and with the abolition of slavery, as stated." on this subject he said he could give no asurance and enter into no stipulation, he merely expressed his own feelings and views and what he believed to be the feelings of others on the subject.

Colonel McClure says: "I personally know that he (Lincoln) would have suggested it (compensation emancipation) to Stephens, Campbell and Hunter at the Hampton Roads conference in February, 1865, had not Vice-President Stephens, as the immediate representative of Jefferson Davis, frankly stated at the outset that he was instructed not to entertain or discuss any proposition that did not recognize the perpetuity of the Confederacy. That statement from Stephens precluded the possibility of Lincoln making any proposition or even suggestion, whatever on the subject. In a personal interview with Jefferson Davis, when I was a visitor at his home at Bevior, Mississippi, fifteen years after the close of the war, I asked him whether he had ever received any intimation about Lincoln's desire to close the war by the payment of $400,000,000 for emancipated slaves. He said he had not heard of it."

The memory of Mr. Davis or of Colonel McClure must have been at fault in reference to the Hampton Roads conference, for Mr. Stephens distinctly quoted Mr. Lincoln as saying that "if the war should then cease with the abolition of slavery by the states, he would be in favor, individually, of the Government paying a fair indemnity to the owners. He knew of some who were in favor of appropriating as high as $400,000,000 for the purpose," etc.

Mr. Stephens refers to another suggestion made by Mr. Lincoln which is at variance with Colonel McClure's memory, about Stephen's statement precluding the possibility of Lincoln making any proposition or suggestion whatever on the subject: Mr. Lincoln, in his familiar style, said, "Stephens, if I were in Georgia and entertained the sentiments I do though I suppose I should not be permitted to stay there long with them— but if I resided in Georgia with my pres

ent sentiments, I will tell you what I'd do if I were in your place; I would go home and get the Governor of the State to call the Legislature together, and get them to recall all the state troops from the war, elect Senators and Members of Congress and ratify the Constitutional Amendment prospectively, so as to take effect in five years.'

So far as known these suggestions from Lincoln met with no response from the Confederate Vice-President, and the Hampton Roads conference closed wtih nothing accomplished. There was considerable disappointment on both sides. at the result; for it was hoped something for the benefit of the South and for the good of the country at large might grow out of it. Mr. Stephens, on his return to Richmond, reported the result to Mr. Davis, who recommended a vigorous prosecution of the war, and asked Mr. Stephens to make a speech to the public inspiring them with new courage and hope. The conscientious VicePresident, knowing the hopelessness of prolonging the struggle, declined to do

could

this, and soon after left Richmond for his home in Georgia, and never saw Mr. Davis in Richmond afterwards. There is but little doubt that if Lincoln and Stevens have had their way, the Hampton Roads conference would have terminated the war and saved the South $400,000,000, saved a good many lives on both sides, and probably avoided much of the trouble that followed in the course of reconstruction.

The opinion is current in some parts of the South, notably in Georgia, that the Southern members of the conference were in favor of compensated emancipation; but that the Northern members would not agree to it. This notion is erroneous. No other overtures were ever made to settle the troublesome question. Lincoln's efforts to save the South the loss of their slaves proved unavailing, and the war was prosecuted to its bitter end, with all its bitter results, including the assassination of the best friend the South ever had in the ranks of their opponents.

T

HE Republicans of the United

States, through their chosen representatives, met in National convention, looking back upon an unsurpassed record of achievement and looking forward into a great field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their countrymen, make these declarations:

The expectation in which the American people, turning from the Democratic party, entrusted the power of the United States four years ago to a Republican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has been met and satisfied. When the people then assembled at the polls, after a term of Democratic legislation and administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed and the National credit disastrously impaired. The country's capital was hidden away and its labor distressed and unemployed. The