but if we accept the origin of species by natural selection, there is no fundamental or essential difference between these,-the difference between individuals, races, and species being one of degree only. And Darwin adduces abundant evidence to show that there are great differences in the fertility of races when crossed, which is equally cogent whether we accept the doctrine of evolution or not. The main result is the same,-that divergence of organization produces difference in fertility, such fertility decreasing as the amount of divergence increases until absolute sterility is reached. We have now arrived at a point from which we may survey the progress made. In the light of this and the three previous chapters, I may place my theory before the reader in a few words, by way of recapitulation and elucidation, and I will in the following chapter proceed to establish its truth by application to nature, and by verification in fact. I assume, then, that the sexes are ideally equal, but that in certain cases, owing to predominance or defect of some part or section of the organization, one individual is very frequently the permanent "superior" of the other, and even where husband and wife are nearly on an equality, some slight causes will usually operate to produce in one or other a temporary "superiority," which will give to that parent the casting of the sex of the offspring. Owing to a law, recondite and as yet inexplicable, but analogous to the law of polarity in magnetism and electricity, the "superior" parent determines the sex of the off spring, which will be of the sex opposite to that of the "superior" parent. Among the determining causes of "superiority," cerebral development and activity hold the first place, and in order to ascertain the nervous status of an individual, regard must be had to the manifestations of energy considered in this chapter, of which temperament is perhaps the most important. To these must be added various transient influences, the most important of them being the state of health. Physical vigour, habits of life, state of nutrition, mental condition, circumstances, recent occupationall are factors in determining the "superiority" of an individual at different times, and of course the mere lapse of time, and the consequent change of constitution, will have an important influence. Seniority in age is usually an element of "inferiority"-and, other things being equal, the younger parent will assuredly be the "superior," and will therefore produce the opposite sex in the offspring. LANE MEDICAL LIBRARY STANFORD, CALIF. 94305 CHAPTER VIII. VERIFICATION FROM OBSERVED FACTS. Field of my early investigations-Books and personal observation and. theories-A principle of balance discerned-Glimpses of a definite guide to the sexes-This hope disappointed by further facts-The ruling spirit in the household-A governing disposition an element of "superiority," but not decisive of sex-Facts indicative of a law of balance-French facts affording strong evidence in favour of my theory-Gradual approach to the idea of "superiority"-The theory confirmed by a fact recorded of the mulattoes of Java-Constantly recurring proofs of the newly-discovered law of sex-Difficulties removed-Occupations in their relation to "superiority"-Unhealthy occupations conducive to "inferiority"-Injurious effects of stimulants, producing "inferiority "-Money-making not conducive to "superiority "-Why musicians have chiefly sons-Great musical composers an exception-Parental "inferiority" does not imply mental inferiority-The leading medical men generally "superior"--. Limited statistics only mislead · Change of diet conducive to "superiority"-The theories in Chap. III. summarised, and their values assessed-Sex confidently predicted by the new theory— Clearness and simplicity of my theory. THERE 'HERE is no better way to elucidate a principle than to relate one's experience in arriving at it. I will therefore briefly point out the difficulties I had to encounter in my investigation of this question, and how I was guided to my final conclusions In my own household I first became personally interested in the question of sex. I sought information from various sources, and undertook to examine, in turn, many of the most plausible of the current theories that presented themselves; but on investigation, for the most part I discovered reasonable grounds for their rejection. After a time, I found that I had almost unconsciously fallen into a habit of meditating upon the law of sex, and in order to furnish some data on which to base a conclusion, I observed the number of either sex in the various families of my acquaintance and compared and studied the relative characteristics of the parents individually. At last, amid the chaos of facts, I began to discern a slight semblance of order, though hardly sufficient to warrant the construction of even a preliminary hypothesis; this had the effect, however, of leading me to a settled determination to solve the problem, and so intensified my zeal that my mind fairly refused to dwell upon any other topic. Feeling confident that I had adopted the true method to ensure ultimate success, viz., that of scrutinizing every fact presented, of observing before theorizing, I at length devoted myself wholly to my subject. I now searched through works on political economy, sociology, books of genealogies, biographies, medical literature, life statistics, census reports, baptismal records, etc., in order to find any facts that might throw light upon the desired point. I consulted physicians, but, as a rule, a rule, they had nothing to offer save one or more of the many current theories. I very soon learned to test the possible truth of any of these by simply ascertaining whether they contained any principle of balance. After rejecting a number of them for want of this principle, I was led to adopt, as a basis, the assumption that each sex produces its opposite; for I now perceived that a theory reared on this basis could not fail to contain the indispensable principle of selfadjustment. I then set about observing and comparing facts. I sought out large families in which the children were all of one sex. I made their acquaintance, and studied the features and characteristics of the parents. I soon found instances favouring the hypothesis which I had adopted as my basis. Whilst pursuing my investigations, it so happened that of two families of girls that came under my notice, the fathers had Roman noses, and the mothers had noses somewhat inferior in type; while in three families of boys, these same nasal conditions of the parents were reversed. I now made the nose the chief object of study, and discovered that the more decidedly Roman the father's nose, the larger was the proportion of daughters in his family, and that the converse was equally frequent. In cases where the noses of parents were nearly of similar type, the sexes in their families were more nearly balanced. For many months I was half disposed to conclude that I had discovered a definite and almost unmistakable guide. I next carefully prepared lists of all the married persons I had ever known, with the proportion of the sexes in their respective families. This proved a most invaluable help to me, for whenever a new idea occurred I could readily test its worth by glancing over my list and recalling the tabulated couples. As I extended the range of my observation, and made new acquaintances, I met with couples the sexes of whose children were distributed in a way wholly at variance with my rule; and this discovery left me almost as much in the dark as at first. I felt that with only a single clear exception to my nasal rule I might still speculate, but never settle the question : however serviceable the nose might be as an index, I |