These reforms, however, were not introduced by Clisthenes. He continued to exclude the fourth of those classes into which Solon had divided the citizens, from the post of archon and from all other offices of state; he made no change in the manner of appointing the archons, and left them in the exercise of important judicial duties. Hence the constitution of Clisthenes, notwithstanding the increase of power which it gave to the people, came to be regarded as aristocratical in the times of Pericles and Demosthenes.

§ 11. Of the other reforms of Clisthenes we are imperfectly informed. He increased the judicial as well as the political power of the people. It is in fact doubtful whether Solon gave the people any judicial functions at all; and it was probably Clisthenes who enacted that all public crimes should be tried by the whole body of citizens above thirty years of age, specially convoked and sworn for the purpose. The assembly thus convened was called Helica, and its members Heliasts.* With the increase of the judicial functions of the people, it became necessary to divide the Heliæa into ten distinct courts; and this change was probably introduced soon after the time of Clisthenes.

The new constitution of the tribes introduced a change in the military arrangements of the state. The citizens, who were required to serve, were now marshalled according to tribes, each of which was subject to a Strategus,† or general of its own. These ten generals were elected annually by the whole body of citizens, and became at a later time the most important officers in the state, since they possessed the direction not only of naval and military affairs, but also of the relations of the city with foreign states. Down to the time of Clisthenes, the command of the military force had been vested exclusively in the third archon, or Polemarch; and even after the institution of the Strategi by Clisthenes, the Polemarch still continued to possess a joint right of command along with them, as will be seen when we come to relate the battle of Marathon.

§ 12. There was another remarkable institution expressly ascribed to Clisthenes-the Ostracism; the real object of which has been explained for the first time by Mr. Grote. By the Ostracism, a citizen was banished without special accusation, trial, or defence for ten years, which term was subsequently reduced to five he was not deprived of his property; and at the end of his period of exile was allowed to return to Athens, and to resume all the political rights and privileges which he had previously enjoyed. It must be recollected that the force which a Greek

* Ηλιαία, Ήλιασταί.

Η Στρατηγός.

government had at its disposal was very small; and that it was comparatively easy for an ambitious citizen, supported by a numerous body of partisans, to overthrow the constitution and make himself despot. The past history of the Athenians had shown the dangers to which they were exposed from this cause; and the Ostracism was the means devised by Clisthenes for removing quietly from the state a powerful party leader before he could carry into execution any violent schemes for the subversion of the government. Every precaution was taken to guard this institution from abuse. The senate and the ecclesia had first to determine by a special vote whether the safety of the state required such a step to be taken. If they decided in the affirmative, a day was fixed for voting, and each citizen wrote upon a tile or oyster shell* the name of the person whom he wished to banish. The votes were then collected, and if it was found that 6000 had been recorded against any one person, he was obliged to withdraw from the city within ten days; if the number of votes did not amount to 6000, nothing was done. The large number of votes required for the ostracism of a person (one-fourth of the entire citizen population) was a sufficient guarantee that a very large proportion of the citizens considered him dangerous to the state. It is a proof of the utility of this institution that from the time of its establishment no further attempt was made by any Athenian citizen to overthrow the democracy by force.

§13. The reforms of Clisthenes were received with such popular favor, and so greatly increased the influence of their author, that Isagoras saw no hope for him and his party except by calling in the interference of Cleomenes and the Lacedæmonians. This was readily promised, and heralds were sent from Sparta to Athens, demanding the expulsion of Clisthenes and the rest of the Alcmaonidæ, as the accursed family on whom rested the pollution of Cylon's murder. Clisthenes, not daring to disobey the Lacedæmonian government, retired voluntarily; and thus Cleomenes, arriving at Athens shortly afterwards with a small force, found himself undisputed master of the city. He first expelled 700 families pointed out by Isagoras, and then attempted to dissolve the Senate of Five Hundred, and place the government in the hands of three hundred of his friends and partisans. This proceeding excited general indignation; the people rose in arms; and Cleomenes and Isagoras took refuge in the Acropolis. At the end of two days their provisions were exhausted, and they were obliged to capitulate. Cleomenes and

* Ostracon (Ŏorgakov), whence the name of Ostracism (¿orgakιoμóc).

the Lacedæmonian troops, as well as Isagoras, were allowed to retire in safety; but all their adherents who were captured with them were put to death by the Athenian people. Clisthenes and the 700 exiled families were immediately recalled, and the new constitution was materially strengthened by the failure of this attempt to overthrow it.

§14. The Athenians had now openly broken with Sparta. Fearing the vengeance of this formidable state, Clisthenes sent envoys to Artaphernes, the Persian satrap at Sardis, to solicit the Persian alliance, which was offered on condition of the Athenians' sending earth and water to the King of Persia as a token of their submission. The envoys promised compliance; but on their return to Athens, their countrymen repudiated their proceeding with indignation. Meantime, Cleomenes was preparing to take vengeance upon the Athenians, and to establish Isagoras as a despot over them. He summoned the Peloponnesian allies to the field, but without informing them of the object of the expedition; and at the same time he concerted measures with the Thebans and the Chalcidians of Euboea for a simultaneous attack upon Attica. The Peloponnesian army, commanded by the two kings, Cleomenes and Demarātus, entered Attica, and advanced as far as Eleusis; but when the allies became aware of the object for which they had been summoned, they refused to march farther. The power of Athens was not yet sufficiently great to inspire jealousy among the other Greek states; and the Corinthians, who still smarted under the recollection of the sufferings inflicted upon them by their own despots, took the lead in denouncing the attempt of Cleomenes to crush the liberties of Athens. Their remonstrances were seconded by Demaratus, the other Spartan king; so that Cleomenes found it necessary to abandon the expedition and return home. The dissension of the two kings on this occasion is said to have led to the enactment of the law at Sparta, that both kings should never have the command of the army at the same time.

The unexpected retreat of the Peloponnesian army delivered the Athenians from their most formidable enemy, and they lost no time in turning their arms against their other foes. Marching into Boeotia, they defeated the Thebans, and then crossed over into Euboea, where they gained a decisive victory over the Chalcidians. In order to secure their dominion in Euboea, and at the same time to provide for their poorer citizens, the Athenians distributed the estates of the wealthy Chalcidian landowners among 4000 of their citizens, who settled in the country under the name of Cleruchi.*

*Kangouxo, that is, "lot-holders."

§ 15. The successes of Athens had excited the jealousy of the Spartans, and they now resolved to make a third attempt to overthrow the Athenian democracy. They had meantime discovered the deception which had been practised upon them by the Delphic oracle; and they invited Hippias to come from Sigeum to Sparta, in order to restore him to Athens. The experience of the last campaign had taught them that they could not calculate upon the co-operation of their allies without first obtaining their approval of the project; and they therefore summoned deputies from all their allies to meet at Sparta, in order to determine respecting the restoration of Hippias. The despot was present at the congress; and the Spartans urged the necessity of crushing the growing insolence of the Athenians by placing over them their former master. But their proposal was received with universal repugnance; and the Corinthians again expressed the general indignation at the design. "Surely heaven and earth are about to change places, when you Spartans propose to set up in the cities that wicked and bloody thing called a Despot. First try what it is for yourselves at Sparta, and then force it upon others. If you persist in a scheme so wicked, know that the Corinthians will not second you." These vehement remon

strances were received with such approbation by the other allies, that the Spartans found it necessary to abandon their project. Hippias returned to Sigeum, and afterwards proceeded to the court of Darius.

§ 16. Athens had now entered upon her glorious career. The institutions of Clisthenes had given her citizens a personal interest in the welfare and the grandeur of their country. A spirit of the warmest patriotism rapidly sprang up among them; and the history of the Persian wars, which followed almost immediately, exhibits a striking proof of the heroic sacrifices which they were prepared to make for the liberty and independence of their state.

§ 1. Connexion of the subject with the general history of Greece. § 2. Origin of the Greek colonies and their relation to the mother-country. 3. Characteristics common to most of the Greek colonies. §4. The Eolic, Ionic, and Doric colonies in Asia. Miletus the most important, and the parent of numerous colonies. Ephesus. Phocæa. § 5. Colonies in the south of Italy and Sicily. History of Cumæ. 6. Colonies in Sicily. Syracuse and Agrigentum the most important. Phalaris, despot of Agrigentum. §7. Colonies in Magna Græcia (the south of Italy). Sybaris and Croton. War between these cities, and destruction of Sybaris. § 8. Epizephyrian Locri: its lawgiver, Zaleucus. Rhegium. §9. Tarentum. Decline of the cities in Magna Græcia. § 10. Colonies in Gaul and Spain. Massalia. § 11. Colonies in Africa. Cyrene. § 12. Colonies in Epirus, Macedonia, and Thrace. § 13. Importance of a knowledge of the history

of the Greek colonies.

§ 1. AN account of the Greek colonies forms an important part of the History of Greece. It has been already observed that Hellas did not indicate a country marked by certain geographical limits, but included the whole body of Hellenes, in whatever part of the world they might be settled. Thus, the inhabitants of Trapezus on the farthest shores of the Black Sea, of Cyrene in Africa, and of Massalia in the south of Gaul, were as essentially members of Hellas as the citizens of Athens and Sparta. They all gloried in the name of Hellenes; they all boasted of their descent from the common ancestor Hellen; and they all pos