curious notices of the religion and literature of the Gentiles. Indeed the manner in which some of the Fathers have been edited, sufficiently proves that they were considered by their commentators as merely a sort of inferior classics, upon which to hang notes about heathen gods and philosophers. Ludovicus Vives, upon the City of God' of St. Augustine, is an example of this class of theological annotators, whom a hint about the three Graces, or the god of Lampsacus, awakens into more activity than whole pages about the Trinity and the resurrection. The best specimen of eloquence we have met among the Fathers, at least that which we remember to have read with most pleasure, is the Charisteria, or Oration of Thanks, delivered by Gregory Thaumaturgus, to his instructor Origen. Though rhetorical like the rest, it is of a more manly and simple character, and does credit alike to the master and the disciple. But upon the whole, perhaps St. Augustine is the author whom if ever we should be doomed, in penance for our sins, to select a Father for our private reading-we should choose, as, in our opinion, the least tiresome of the brotherhood. It is impossible not to feel interested in those struggles between passion and principle, out of which his maturer age rose so triumphant; and there is a conscious frailty mingling with his precepts, and at times throwing its shade over the light of his piety, which gives his writings an air peculiarly refreshing, after the pompous rigidity of Chrysostom, the Stoic affectation of Clemens Alexandrinus, and the antithetical trifling of Gregory Nazianzen. If it were not too for the indelible stain which his conduct to the Donatists has left upon his memory, the philosophic mildness of his Tract against the Manichæans, and the candour with which he praises his heretical antagonist Pelagius, as sanctum, bonum et prædicandum virum,' would have led us to select him as an example of that tolerating spirit, which--- we grieve to say---is so very rare a virtue among the saints.--Though Augustine, after the season of his foilies was over, very sedulously avoided the society of females, yet he corresponded with most of the holy women of his time; and there is a strain of tenderness through many of his letters to them, in which his weakness for the sex rather interestingly betrays itself. It is in the consolatory epistles, particularly, that we discover these embers of his youthful temperament;---as in the 93rd to Italica, on the death of her husband, and the 263rd, to Sapida, in return for a garment she had sent him, in the thoughts of which there is a considerable degree of fancy as well as tenderness. We cannot allude to these fair correspondents of Augustine, without remarking, that the warmest and best allies of the Fathers, in adopting their fancies and spreading their miracles, appear to have been those enthusiastic female pupils by groups of whom they were all constantly encircled ;--whose imaginations required but little fuel of fact, and whose tongues would not suffer a wonder to cool in circulating. The same peculiarities of temperament, which recommended females in the Pagan world, as the fittest sex to receive the inspirations of the tripod, made them valuable agents also in the imposing machinery of miracles. At the same time it must be confessed that they performed services of a much higher nature; and that to no cause whatever is Christianity more signally indebted for the impression it produced in those primitive ages, than to the pure piety, the fervid zeal, and heroic devotedness of the female converts. In the lives of these holy virgins and matrons, in the humility of their belief and the courage of their sufferings, the gospel found a far better illustration than in all the voluminous writings of the Fathers---there are some of them, indeed, whose adventures are sufficiently romantic, to sug gest materials to the poet and the novelist; and Ariosto himself has con'descended to borrow from the legends his curious story of Isabella and the Moor,---to the no small horror of the pious Cardinal Baronius, who remarks with much asperity on the sacrilege of which that vulgar poet' has been guilty, in daring to introduce this sacred story among his fictions. To the little acquaintance these women could have formed with the various dogmas of ancient philosophy, and to the unincumbered state of their minds in consequence, may be attributed much of that warmth and clearness, with which the light of Chris tianity shone through them; where as, in the learned heads of the Fathers, this illumination found a more dense and coloured medium, which turned its celestial beam astray, and tinged it with all sorts of gaudy imaginations. Even where these women indulged in theological reveries, as they did not embody their fancies in to folios, posterity, at least, has been nothing the worse for them; nor should we have known the strange notions of Saint Macrina about the soul and the resurrection, if her brother, Gregory of Nyssa, had not rather officiously informed us of them, in the dialogue he professes to have had with her on these important subjects. MISCELLANEOUS COMMUNICATIONS. THE Original Letter of George Fox's. SIR, Bromley, Jan. 8th, 1815. HE following is a copy of a letter from George Fox, some variations in spelling excepted. It was addressed to his wife, who was the widow of Judge Fell. The original letter is in my possession, indorsed by my father, as "George Fox's own writing." It appears to have been. written in 1674, when a prosecution was pending against him for worshipping God as his conscience dictated, and for obeying the command of Christ, "Swear not at all," by refusing to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy. The details of this prosecution are given in his Journal, pp. 462-480. The letter is curious in several respects: 1st. As to what it says "concerning-black cloth," the use of which does not seem to have been proscribed in George Fox's family. 2d. Brief as this unquestionably authentic epistle is, the writer of it twice uses the pronoun "you" in addressing his wife, although he says in his Journal, p. 22, “When THE LORD sent me into the world," meaning about the 24th year of his age, "I was required to thee and thou all men and women, without any respect to rich or poor, great or small." 3d. This letter is said to have been sent by a persou "that had his nick broke out of the jent," I suppose from Kingston upon Thames to Swarthmore Hall, in Lancashire, where he resided after his marriage. I subjoin the narrative of this singular accident and recovery from his Journal p. 446, and remain, very respectfully, THOMAS FOSTER. "Dear Love, to whom is my love in the Seed that is over all, and to Thomas and all the children. And * Thomas Lower, his wife's son-in-law. Friends live in the peaceable life and truth that the Lord may be glorified in you all, that hath purchased and bought you, I did write from Banbury and E. Man from London, and concerning the black cloth Edward Renald to take care about it. And that you might return that money you speak of to E. Man for me. And I have been at London about a week, and have a copy of my indictment, and nothing is done as yet, but they would be willing to get it off, and we shall see this term. of "The people of the sessions† was like friends and the Lord's power was over all, and they are very fair. Gerrard Roberts was with some Worcestershire officers since they came to London, and [they] do pretend much, some of them that moved formerly for my going to Worcester. E. Fell was well lately and Margaret, but her boy is very weak, the Lord strengthen it; poor woman, she is exercised, but I would have her get a place of rest, and to settle her mind in. This is John Jay, that had his neck broke out of the joint, that I do send this by. So in haste my love in G. ff." the life, "Kingston, Month 3d, Day 17th." "While we were at Shrewsbury, in East Jersey," [in 1672] says George 66 an accident befel, Fox, p. 446, which for the time was a great exercise to us; John Jay, a friend of Barbadoes who came with us from Rhode Island, and intended to accompany us through the woods to Maryland, being to try a horse, got upon his back, and the horse fell a running, cast him down upon his head, and broke his neck, as the people said. Those that were with him took him up as dead, carried him a good way, and laid him on a tree. I got to him as soon as I could; + At Worcester. 22 Reasons for rejecting the Calvinistic Theology. No. I. and feeling him, concluded he was dead. As I stood by him pitying him and his family, I took hold of his hair, and his head turned any way, his neck was so limber. Whereupon I took his head in both my hands, and setting my knees against the tree, I raised his head, and perceiving there was nothing out or broken that way. Then I put one hand under his chin, and the other behind his head, and raised his head two or three times with all my strength, and brought it in. I soon perceived his neck begin to grow stiff again, and then he began to rattle in his throat, and quickly after to breathe. The people were amazed; but I bade them have a good heart, be of good faith, and carry him into the house. They did so, and set him by the fire. I bid them get him something warm to drink, and put him to bed. been in the house a while he began After he had to speak; but did not know where he had been. The next day we pass ed away (and he with us, pretty well) about sixteen miles, to a Meeting at Middletown, through bogs, and over a river; where we woods and swam our horses, and got over ourselves upon a hollow tree. hundred miles did he travel with us Many after this". Reasons for rejecting the Calvinistic W Blackheath, Jan. 2, 1815. HEN a child I was taught to consider that system of doctrines which is contained in the Assembly's Catechism, and which is a good exhibition of the Calvinistic creed, as the genuine doctrine of Christianity. In youth I saw reason to question the identity of Christianity and Calvinism, and came at length to believe that they are as far removed as truth and falsehood. But retaining as I do a respect almost to deference for the talents and virtues of many, between whose religious tenets and those of the Westminster divines there is little or no difference, I have thought it both decent and safe, to re-consider in maturer years reasons, which have convinced me, the that the Calvinistic system is not Christianity. In this review it seemed best to examine, first of all, the direct evidence on both sides by a critical reading of the books of the New Testa ment. The result was an increase of conviction, that the orthodox Theology has originated principally in misconception of the meaning of the Apostle Paul in his letters to the different Churches; and that this misconception has arisen from inattention to the circumstances both of the writer and the Churches, and to the occasion and object of the letters. After the critical question it seemed lawful and just to examine the system itself, and see if its features are such as indicate probability of truth. It was not too much to require, that it be free from contradiction, that professing to illustrate it shall not destroy the moral attributes of deity, that it maintain the paternal as well Christianity asserts both, that it tend as the judicial character of God, since not to confuse all moral perception by of justice where the human underrequiring that we admire the display standing discerns only the want of it, and that it shall not forbid the appeal to human reason while the system is founded on the supposition ment, and human jurisprudence, of analogy between the divine governthe collected reason of man. be objected in limine, that to proIt may Bounce a divine proceeding unjust because the justice is not apparent to the partial view of a finite understanding, is both arrogant and impious. The proposition is true; but any doctrine which professes to be as an objection to the examination of Christian, it is inapplicable. Christianity proclaims itself to be a display of divine wisdom and goodness to the mind of man, a revelation of as much of the divine government as it is necessary that he should know, in order to contemplate the moral character of his Creator with adoration, gratitude and coufidence. God is just and true and merciful, that as judge of all he cannot do It declares, that wrong, that as father of all he is infinitely good to all, and that his government is without partiality, rejecting all distinctions but of mora quality. Glory, honor and peace to Jew first and also to the Gentile, for every man who does good, to the there is no respect of persons with God. It is also certain, that the Apostles of Christ regarded the Christian dispensation asan emanation of those moral attributes which they ascribed to God, and that they invited and exhorted all men to examine and receive their doctrine as being not only the truth, but such truth as gave evidence and display of the divine perfections. This was an appeal to the moral part of our nature, call it reason, the moral sense, or with the Apostle the law of God written in our hearts, whatever phraseology be chosen, the fact is the same: and their appeal was either without meaning or it meant, that taking the words justice, goodness and mercy to denote such moral qualities as they are generally used to denote among men, it appears, and appears to the human understanding in the Christian revelation, that God is infinitely just, good, and merciful. It is then, irrelevant and frivolous to object, that human reason is out of its limits when it presumes to inquire if any proceeding ascribed to the moral governor of the world be merciful or cruel, just or unjust. In this inquiry such a use is made of reason, or of the moral faculty, as was challenged and demanded by the first preachers of the gospel; and therefore it must be acknowledged by every Christian to be a lawful use of the faculty. Indeed it would be absurd to attribute to Christian doctrine any instrumentality in forming the moral character, if the moral perfections of the divine Nature, though exerted in the Christian Economy, were not also displayed to human apprehension. On any other supposition the exhortation to he followers of God, or to imitate his moral character, would be trifling at best, and in connexion with some religious tenets might be pernicious in the extreme. Believing then, that it is not only lawful, but incumbent on me, to examine whatever professes to be the scheme of the moral government of God disclosed in Christianity by the light of my moral faculties, which is also "light from heaven," I have judged it right to make the Calvinistic creed the subject of such examination; and I shall now add some reasons which appear to me conclusive against its pretensions to be considered the true form of Christian doctrine. 1. In that system we contemplate the Supreme Being, in his relation to the whole race of man, solely in a judicial character. It presents to us a legal proceeding, and could not be explained in any other terms than such as are taken from the proceedings in courts of judgment. Nothing is built upon the parental relation to all and each of mankind. It stands as it might have stood, had the relation be tween God and man, universally, never been described in the Christian Scriptures to be that of a father and his children; and for this reason it wants that amiable and attractive character which meets us in every page of the New Testament, that benign radiance which, falling upon the ordinary charities of our nature, kindles them into devotion. If in any part of the scheme the paternal mind is displayed, it is in the institution of an atonement for sin, that the merciful. father may pardon those whom the righteous judge must condemn; but since it was also predetermined (for this makes a link in the system,) that a part only of the offending family shall receive the benefit of this institu tion, with respect to the rest of mankind, that is, the vast multitude of the non-elect, the judicial character alone has been displayed. If offers of peace have been made to them, the grace which was necessary to acceptance of them, though granted to the chosen, has been withheld from them; and they perish beneath the sentence of the law, having received none of the benefit of a filial relation. Had the Roman father spared one of his equally guilty sons and ordered the other to execution, the survivor might recognize the father, but the victim of public justice only the judge: who could applaud either the father or the judge? Yet he who was taught of God has commanded us to imitate our father who is in heaven; be ye perfect, as your Father who is in heaven is perfect.' No 2dly. The system which I reject makes moral responsibility to exceed the measure of ability. If any proposition may be regarded as an axiom in morals, this is one, that there cannot exist an obligation to perform what is naturally impossible. man is obliged to perform miracles. It is said, that every man inherits a corrupt nature, which is incapable of perfect obedience to the divine law. Perfect obedience, therefore, would be contrary to his nature; and whether the deviation from a law of nature be in matter or in mind, it is still a miracle. Yet man, inheriting such a nature, by the first act of disobedience, incurs infinite guilt, and falls under the sentence of condemnation to infinite misery. It may be replied, that, because the inability is a moral inability, the sentence is not unjust; and if the moral impotence were acquired there would be reason in the reply; but it is hereditary and not acquired; and we must subvert our notions of justice altogether be fore we can acknowledge responsibility to be the same in both cases. Still I am told that the sentence is just, because I have lost the pure nature which I received from my Maker: but this is an assertion contrary to fact; I cannot have lost what I never possessed. Adam may have possessed a different nature before his fall; but because it was his nature it is not therefore mine, unless we are identical, especially as it ceased to be his before he became my progenitor. My nature is that constitution of mind and body which I received from my Maker, and which gives the sole measure of my responsibility. 3dly. It is essential to punitive justice that the measure of punishment be in proportion to the degree of guilt. No considerations whether of philosophy or policy cau sophisticate our moral feelings into a persuasion, that it is just to punish all of fences equally by making the punishment of every offence extreme. The laws of Draco were written in blood, but they have never been cited as a model of justice. It is right that there be a gradation in punishment as well as in guilt. The only mode in which a creature can be made to suffer infinitely is by protracting his suffering without end; and the only case in which this can be just is that in which infinite guilt has been contracted; and if this can be shewn to be an impossible case, it will follow that infinite punishment can never be just. It is admitted, that there is a degree, of mental imbecility, which sinks below moral responsibility; that the same criminal action incurs different degrees of guilt before and after the maturity of mental powers; and that suppose two men, accomplices in a crime, with an indentity of all circumstances, the difference of mental power forming the only difference between them, one having a feeble mind of confined views, the other possessing a powerful intellect which commands a wide extent of prospect into the past and future, it would be universally felt and acknowledged, that the guilt of the one as much exceeds that of the other, as his mind is more powerful, and his view more comprehensive than his companion's. This feeling put in the terms of a general proposition, may be thus expressed; the action being the same the degrees of guilt in the agents are in the direct ratio of their powers of mind; if greater, greater; and if less, less; if finite, finite; and if infinite, infinite. But since there exists but one infinite mind, and every created mind is finite, the highest degree of guilt which can be incurred by the highest intellect must fall short, and infinitely short, of infinite guilt. Infinite punishment, therefore, or punishment infinitely prolonged, cannot be just, unless it be no injustice to make the measure of punishment to exceed infinitely that of the guilt. The Calvinistic system of doctrines is built upon the supposition of infinite guilt, whence it infers the justice of eternal punishment, and the necessity of an infinite satisfaction. To me therefore it appears that the foundation is sand, and that the system which stands upon it, though it has stood for centuries, must fall at last a ruin which shall be contemplated in distant ages with fear and wonder. J. M. Partington, near Warrington, 14 Dee. SIR, 1814. habit of inserting in your Repository UNDERSTAND you are in the every increase to the cause of Unitarianism. I think you should be as particular in relating every loss which the Unitarians experience. But from your known impartiality I conceive the fault is not in you, but in your over zealous Unitarian Correspondents who wishing to make their cause appear more flourihing than it really is, send you an account of the gains only and not of the losses of their party. In your last month's Repository [ix. 719-720.] you mention a new Unitarian chapel, being opened at Altringham, on Thursday, September 8. It appears that soon after this event a great and blessed change must have been wrought in the minds of some of the principal persons concerned in the |