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SERMON XXIII.

ON THE KING'S ACCESSION.

THE Inauguration Day, or the day when the King or Queer, for the time being began their respective reigns, is not en joined by Act of Parliament, as are the other solemn days, for which particular services are appointed. A service observed in the time of Charles the First was revised, and the observance of the day commanded by a special order thereunto annexed, in the second year of Queen Anne, and so continueth to this time.

Vide Burn's Ecclesiastical Law. Holidays.

DEUT. iv. 6.

Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding

WHEN

people.

HEN it is objected to the arguments which we allege in support of the goodness, and the other perfections, of Almighty God, that men are yet unhappy and wicked; we think it a sufficient reply to observe, that it is owing to themselves if they are so ;

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that nothing has been wanting on His part: He plainly intends, and has made provision for our welfare; yet it is true that He requires our concurrence; and confers but little happiness, and no virtue, without it.

Or when it is urged, in opposition to our boasts of the excellence and value of the Christian Institution, that people of this Religion are, frequently, as bad as of any other, and have all the vices among them that ever were among heathens; we suppose that we make a satisfactory answer when we demonstrate, that it is not the fault of their Religion; that Christianity is adapted beyond all the systems of faith, and worship, that were ever known, for the advancement of piety, and all virtues; and yet, sometimes, we acknowlege, men have been found so wicked, as even to break through these restraints, or possibly, to convert the very motives and means of amendment into instruments of iniquity and profaneness.

In the same manner, if upon the present, or any other, national occasion, when we are called to cast our eyes upon the Constitution of our Country, and partiality were almost a virtue; if then we would glory in our civil freedom, and are for displaying the perfections of that form of Government, that illustrious House, or that Prince under which we live; it has been suggested that the advantages of which we are so proud, are in speculation only; not visible, in fact, in this nation, nor felt by the people who are said to be in possession of them.

And we may answer as in the former instances; that whatever is wanting to our felicity or contentment, must be owing, principally, to ourselves: it is our fault if our condition be less flourishing than we wish.

The

The visitations, indeed, of Divine Providence, no human hand can hinder, any otherwise than by repentance; and that too must be our own work. But whatever good can be expected from government, we have reason to think may be received from ours, if we are but willing to accept it; and if discontent or disorder be found to prevail in this reign and nation; the King, at least, and the Constitution, are not to be charged with it.

Observe the curious and complicated structure of this frame of Government: too complex, indeed, and curious for our comprehension, not much accustomed, perhaps, to the contemplation of such objects, and at this distance from the springs of motion. It cannot be expected that we should all be able, from our retirement, and from the midst of other studies, to step forth at once into statesmen, furnished with a few hours. thinking, and a train of two or three authors. But there may be proportions in this machine of government plain enough to strike an ordinary eye; and some uses will be evident even to a superficial observer.

We see the contrivance by which it is fitted to make us formidable in time of war, and yet leave us at all times free giving to a single person authority sufficient to do all the good he pleases, and to exert the strength of the nation against its enemics; but no power to commit injustice, or to oppress the meanest of his subjects. But we see dignity added to the conduct of the Government, vigor to the execution, secrecy to its councils; and yet there is required in effect the concurrence and approbation of all. Think of the tumults and bloodshed that return, regularly, the de

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mise of the prince, in elective monarchies, the very worst, perhaps, of all establishments; or the debility, delay, and fluctuation of measures in a commonwealth where they sit debating only on the approach of danger, and resign their offices before they have learnt how to discharge them. We have the same tranquility and regular order in the succession, as in kingdoms the most absolutely hereditary; the princes are brought up with the assurance, and trained in the art, of governing; yet is there little temptation, or encouragement, to be capricious and cruel; nor opportunity in the domination of favorites without merit, and ministers without reputation and wisdom. Here are all the incentives to public spirit, which even an ambitious man can well desire; rewards, and honors, of every kind, and of all degrees; that may descend also, some of them, and those the highest, even to your posterity, and continue, the foundation of their wealth and dignity, and the monuments of your glory to the latest generations. And yet, neither can the greatness of a subject now become dangerous to the prince; and the rest, who are left behind him in this course of advancement and honor, sink not into slaves; nor are they liable to the insolence and wrongs of any.

Our Constitution has the venerable air of antiquity; and yet has admitted, without any incongruity, or trace of disagreement in the structure, many valuable improvements of later times; having been brought to the degree and beauty of perfection which it possesses, by frequent changes, and after repeated trials, on every side. It is accommodated to the Religion of the greatest part of the people, or rather, indeed, now incorporated

with it; yet, amicably, allowing room, and affording its shelter, to the inclinations, or the scruples of the

rest.

In a word, it is the result of deep thought, united with long experience; the prize of many struggles; and the purchase of an immense profusion both of treasure and blood.

And now, can we be supposed willing to part with such a possession as this; and relinquish an establishment from which there is so much reason to expect good; even did we not discern, always, that this was the effect of it? Might we not be, justly, suspicious that the faults were somewhere else, than in the principles of our Government; and the reformation most wanted, possibly, in our perverseness and ill humors. We must be pardoned if, in this point, we be rather slow of conviction; and dim-sighted and dull in the discernment of a blemish, where, for so many reasons, we have settled our affection.

But though we might argue in this manner, it is better that we need not: however solid, or equitable, this defence might be shewn to be, we are glad there is no necessity to have recourse to it. And as, to resume either of the comparisons before chosen, as the Christian Religion, for example, may be further vindicated by shewing, not only that it was adapted to advance the welfare of men, but also that it has, in fact, promoted to a considerable degree, the good purpose for which it was given; and that there is, in reality, more honesty and piety, as far as we are able to judge, though much less than there should be, in the Christian than any other nations: so we think we are authorized by observation to say, that the Constitution of

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