the catholics, and if this was denied he could shew the proofs. It was clear therefore, that Mr. Pitt could have given no pledge upon any thing connected with the catholics. As to the motion before the House he could not conceive the House of Commons so limited and stinted in its functions, that it ought not to presume to ask for any satisfaction respecting the extraordinary and regretted change which had taken place. The king could undoubt• edly appoint whom he pleased his ministers, as he could remove them, by his prerogative. But the House of Commons had its privileges too; and it ought to express its opinions upon an event so intimately affecting the public wellare. But it is said, to represent the necessity of a permanent and efficient administratio", and to express regret at the change, would tend to remove the new and force back the old minis ers. As to the first, it was clear indeed that if a permanent and efficient administration was necessary, the new ministers could not remain; it did not follow, however, that the late ministers were to be forced back. It was asked too, "would the House stultify the new ministers?" That was needless, they had stultified themselves; for on the death of Mr. Pitt they publicly proclaimed their own imbecility, and threw up the government. What has happened since, but that they are thirteen. months older, and have placed the Duke of Portland at their head? Was the Duke of Portland to supply the place of Mr. Pitt, without whom the administration fell of itself? It could not be credited by any one that the Duke of Portland, old and infirm as he was, could be the real minister. No one believed it. The performers were all the same, but their parts were to be new cast. Last year Mr. Perceval was attorney general, now he was to be chancellor of the exchequer. Mr. Canning was as fit to be foreign secretary in 1806 as he was now; and Lord Castlereagh quite as ready to be a secretary of state. Lord Mulgrave, indeed, was foreign secretary, now he was thought fittest man to preside over the navy. The Duke of Montrose, from having been president of the board of trade, has been qualified to be master of the horse. The Duke of Portland was the only accession, and so strange did such an appointment seem, that no man could believe that it was any thing but temporary; and report gave it to Lord Melville or Lord Wellesley. This really seemed probable, for why bring Lord Melville into the privy council? But

if such an appointment took place, he was confilent it would give no satisfaction to the country. As to Lord Wellesley, he certainly was a person of infinite abili y, but as certain discussions would come on respecting that noble lord's administration in India, he should not be provoked to say any thing upon the subject at present. Every thing concurred to shew, that some changes must take place, and this formed an additional reason why the House should express their opinion as to the administration which was formed. When he considered indeed, that previous to the late change not so many as seventy members in the House had ever expressed disapprobation of the measures of ministers, he would not believe till he saw it, that the same House which had approved their conduct, would refuse to express regret at their removal. Even the right honourable secretary, Mr. Canning, had expressed regret at their dismissal, and unless the House degraded itself by submitting to be handed over, without cause or ceremony, from one administration to another, they would firmly and temperately express their regret at the extraordinary change that had taken place. If asked by their constituents, could they say that the catholic bill, which was withdrawn, was a ground of offence at the late ministry, or could they say they thought the church in danger? Did any man believe the church in danger? Sorry he was, therefore, to see that the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Perceval), had forgot himself so far as to put his name to the assertion, that the church was in danger. It was impossible. Had he believed so, he would not have been so anxious to secure a place for life, in case of removal, knowing that the constitution would fall if the late ministers came into power, and being secure that while in power himself he could retain the duchy of Lancaster if he pleased. As to a dissolution of Parliament, he was convinced that it could not be intended, particularly when he saw a religious clamour raised, because the malice of the Devil himself could not have thought of preparing for a dissolution by the false and wicked cry of the church being in danger. And the state of Ireland, and the consequences then of a dissolution, were such as to make it necessary that any ministry, not bent upon civil commotion, could excite religious animosities preparatory to a general election. Nevertheless, with a ministry in so desperate a state as the pre ent, he thought the sense of the House ought to be expressed on

this subject and he hoped some such motion would be made. Though the prerogative of the king in dissolving Parliament was undisputed, it would be consistent with the full acknowledgment of the right of the House to state the evil consequences of its exercise at the present crisis.

Mr. Milnes said a few words in explanation:

I ord Castlereagh felt it incumbent upon him to give to the House the explanation which the speech of the right honourable gentleman, who had just sat down, rendered necessary. That right honourable gentleman had given a most inaccurate and u founded view of the subject. But he was happy that his task was considerably narrowed by the course which the discussion had taken, and it had fallen into such able hands, that he should have been satisfied to leave this important question to a decision on the single speech of the honourable gentleman (Mr. Milnes), who had moved the order of the day. In answer to the reproach that had been urged by the right honourable gendeman, ith respect to the introduction of his majesty's personal conduct into these discussions for the first time, he contended, that the gentlemen on his side of the House, were not the cause of this change of constitutional practice. If, whenever any change, either total or partial, should take place in his majesty's councils, the individuals retiring should have the right to come to Parliament, under the influence of public or private feelings, to explain the circumstances of the case, he trembled for the conse quences. He was not surprised that the noble lord was anxious to give explanation upon a subject which certainly required explanation, but long before he had obtained permission to give such explanation, that noble lord had stated that the times would arrive when he should explain all the circums ances of the case. What gentlemen had seen of the documents connected with this transaction, had been produced by the permission of his majesty, which permis sion had been solicited by his majesty's present confidential servants, in consequence of their knowledge that these minutes had been communicated to two individuals, not members of the cabinet, nor of his majesty's privy council. They had been pr duced therefore, for the purpose of ap plying the antidote to the poison, by clearing up his majesty's charac or, and justifying it to the House, the pubfie, and the world. Having stated thus much on that point, he felt persuaded, that the House would have no

difficulty

difficulty in dealing with the motion then before them. It was unnecessary for him to state to the House what had taken place the other night. The House would not then consent to vote, what was in itself true and undeniable, without a distinct object, though the practical inference intended to be deduced from it was obvious. Neither would the House agree to the notion of this night, which was composed of two propositions, either of which would admit of great difference of opinion, without any object stated. As to the charge of secret advisers, unless they disputed his majesty's royal word, or condemned his conduct, they could not sustain it; for his majesty at parting with them, had assured them that he had communication with no person from the 8th of February, to the middle of March, on the subject, except his secretary, to whom he dictated his dispatches. The noble lord had been so con‐ fident of a majority on the former night, that he had assured his friends, when dividing, that the first motion was to be followed up, without delay, with other more decisive propositions. He congratulated the noble lord and the honourable gentleman on the result of that division, which changed their motion for the dismissal of his majesty's present servants into a more temperate proceeding. They were now content to request alms at parting, a charitable donation of the approbation of the House of their conduct. He was astonished at the statement of the right honourable gentleman, which had so little common sense in it, that the motion was intended to turn the present ministers out, but not to force the late ministers back. Where could the honourable gentleman find a third class, from which to form an administration? The right honourable gentleman should use much more forcible arguments than any be had hitherto urged, to force back an administration that, in sight of this country, and of Europe, had lost the coifidence of their sovereign. Matters had in fact been brought to such a situation, hat either the king must submit hi self, tied and blindfold, to his ministers, or dismiss the It appeared by the ministers, that his majesty could no go further than he consented to do, without thinking hif criminal; they then agreed to withdraw the measure; and, if men of honour, politically speaking, they could not have withdrawn, after they had promised to the catholics, and brought it into the House, unless under an inpression that his majesty's feelings would not suffer him to acquiesce.

acquiesce. But why should they stipulate to renew, from time to time, what they in fact withdrew, unless they had withdrawn it for particular convenience, determined to bring it forward at a more seasonable opportunity? The reservation they had made led to the demand of satisfac tion to his majesty; and it was impossible that his majesty could continue to place confidence in persons who appeared before him in so fallacious a form. Was it nothing at his majesty's time of life to be exposed to have his quiet disturbed by the revival of this question from time to time. He had no alternative but to submit to his ministers, or to act as he had done. His majesty did not consent in the first instance, until after a long and laboured representa tion from the cabinet, stating that he was pledged to the act of 1793, and that it would be a breach of faith in the crown not to consent to its extension. A dispatch was then sent off to Ireland, and he should say that it was not very creditable to "All the Talents," for nothing could be more vague or definite. A noble lord had stated in another place, that the measure, when discussed in the cabinet, was always confined to the extension of the Irish act of 1793, and he wished to ask the noble lord opposite, whe ther when doubts had arisen he had assembled a cabinet, what were the sentiments of the different members, and whether the doubts had been discussed, and a communica tion of the same made to his majesty? He wished to ask also who had taken upon himself to issue summonses to several members of the cabinet, and not to others? Why the noble lord, more particularly keeper of the king's con science had not been summoned, nor lord Sidmouth, nor lord Ellenborough? Whoever had done so was guilty of a misdemeanour and ought to be impeached-(A cry of move, move!)--Upon what principle, what constitutional arrogance was it, that a part of the cabinet had thus erected themselves into a secret tribunal, and sent off dispatches without summoning the remaining members of the cabi net? Nor was it his majesty's displeasure only they have incurred both this and the other house of Parliament had decided against them in a manner not to leave a doubt of what they conceived of their conduct; and sure he was, that with the decision of Parliament, the voice of the people would be in unison: for never would the people of this country endure the idea that the declining years of a moparch, whose paternal care and affection they had so long experienced,