abandonment of it, would fain have the House understand that he had volunteered in abandoning it. After a short conversation between Messrs. Huskisson, Vansittart, Mr. Tierney, Lord H. Petty, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the amendment was agreed to, The other amendments were then read and agreed to. After which the House resumed, and the report was ordered to be received the next day. On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the report of the pilots' regulation bill was ordered to be taken. into further consideration that day se'nnight. The Scots taxes regulation bill was read a second time,' and ordered to be committed on that day fortnight. Sir John Newport moved the third reading of the Irish infirmary regulation bill. The bill was then read a third time and passed. The royal naval asylum bill, and the bill for enabling commissioners to take affidavits in the absence of the judges in Ireland, were each read a third time and passed. The oak bark bill was reported, and ordered to be read a third time on Thursday. The Irish loan bill was reported, and ordered to be read a third time the next day. Mr. Sharpe moved the postponement of the second reading of the calico printers' regulation bill to that day se'nnight. The customs fees regulation bill, and the Sierra Leone transfer bill, were each reported, and ordered to be read a third time the next day. The land tax commissioners' name bill was ordered to be read a second time that day fortnight. The excise regulation bill was read a second time, and ordered to be referred to a committee that day fortnight. Mr. Patterson presented a petition from the mayor, burgesses, &c. of the town and county of Norwich against the bill which is now pending in Parliament, purporting to be a bill for the bet er management of the poor in that city and county. Ordered to be laid on the table. The second reading of the East London water works bill was fixed for Monday next. The Berwick harbour bill was read a second time, and ordered to be referred to a committee the next day. A few other bills were forwarded through their respective stages, and the House adjourned. VOL. II. 1806-7.. 4 H HOUSE HOUSE OF LORDS. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15. The Irish servants wages bill and the Irish stamp duties bill were read a second time, and committed for the next day. The Irish malt and spirits bill, the Irish fees commissioners bill, the Sicilian prize money bill, the fullers earth bill, and the treasurer of the navy's regulation bill, passed through committees and were reported. The second reading of Ellis's divorce bill was postponed till Thursday the 23d instant. UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN. The Duke of Cumberland, seeing a noble lord (Kinnaird) in his place, wished to say a few words in consequence of what had fallen from that noble lord on Monday night, on the subject of the petition from the university of Dublin. The noble lord had inferred that he (the Duke of Cumberland), as chancellor of that university, had used his majesty's name for the purpose of influencing the university to agree to such a petition. He wished it, therefore, to be distinctly understood, that he had not used his majesty's name for the purpose mentioned by the noble lord, and he believed that his majesty's name was not mentioned in the correspondence which took place upon that occasion. Lord Kinnaird said, it was his wish upon this subject to act with the greatest fairness and candour. The illustrious duke had shewn him the correspondence which took place on the occasion alluded to, in which he found that his majesty's name was mentioned, although he did not mean to infer that it was mentioned improperly. He thought that the correspondence might bear the interpretation which he had put upon it, but he did not mean to dissent from the interpretation put upon it by the illustrious duke. The Duke of Cumberland said, that his majesty's name was used from his supposing it to be necessary in point of form. The great object was, that the university of Dublin should shew itself to be a protestant university, in order that the protestant gentlemen of Ireland might be induced to send their sons there for education. The The Bishop of Meath was about to address the House, when Lord Holland spoke to order, conceiving, that, after the explanation between the illustrious duke and his noble friend, the discussion ought not to be continued. After a few words from the Bishop of Meath and the Lord Chancellor the conversation ended. Lord Hawkesbury gave notice, that he should the next day move that the thanks of the House be given to Brigadier General Sir Samuel Auchmuty and Rear Admiral Stirling for their gallant conduct in the capture of Monte Video. The Lord Chancellor moved to postpone the committee on the Scots judicature bill till Friday, the committee appointed to search for precedents, in order to ascertain where the judges of the court of session should be placed whilst in attendance in the House, not having yet finished their investigation. Upon this point he was inclined to think that it would be advisable finally to determine by an act of Parliament with respect to the attendance in that House of the judges of Scotland and Ireland. The order for going into the committee that day was discharged, and renewed for Friday, for which day the Lords were ordered to be summoned. Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15. After the names of defaulters on the two last ballots were called over, on the motion of the chancellor of the exchequer it was ordered, that the members who should be absent at the ballot and call of the House the following day, without a sufficient excuse being assigned, should be taken into the custody of the serjeant at arms. Mr. White then delivered in at the bar the names of the members remaining on the reduced list of the East Lop election committee, which are as follow: Lord John Campbell, Wm. Tighe, Esq. 4 112 Mr. Mr. Mellish presented a petition from the curriers of the city of London against the oak bark bill. Referred to the committee on the bill. CHANGE OF ADMINISTRATION. Mr. Lyttleton rose to move his resolution respecting the late change of administration; and in submitting that resolution to the House, he need scarcely remind them of the late important debate, during which many bad departed from the particular question, and brought the merits of the late administration into discussion. On the question then brought under consideration he must make a few remarks. He lamented the manner in which it had been disposed of, as the House scemed to him, by a sort of political cowardice, if he might say so, to shrink from the recognition of a great constitutional doctrine, to come to a tacit confession that the power of the crown was absolute, because there was no responsibility any where, and in effect to recognize those pernicious maxims held by the house of Stewart, which our ancestors resisted, nor resisted in vain. But as he could not now reverse that decision, he would proceed to his resolution, which placed the question in a shape which excluded the prerogative, and only applied to the conduct of the late ministers, of the particular parts of which the House had before approved by large majorities. His majesty's late ministers had been suddenly and unexpectedly removed when in full confidence of the country, and when using every means which the situation of Europe would permit, to ensure the prosperity and respectability of the nation abroad, as well as at home. He did not now enter upon the causes of that removal, but this was the fact. What was the present state of the continent was a matter for serious consideration. Was that state such as to render it safe to commit the government to any hands? It surely was not, and therefore it was the duty of Parliament to present a respectful, but firm remon strance, leaving the prerogative out of the question, in order to obtain a ministry deserving the confidence of the House, and competent to meet the present eventful crisis. When we saw our enemy threatening the utmost boundaries of Europe, after having trampled so great a propor tion of it under foot, was it not the duty of the House of Commons to see, that the administration of the country wis committed to the best possible hands? The ministeis whom his majesty had been pleased, our ancestors would have said advised, to remove, formed a vigorous and ef ficient administration, and united in the service of his country, almost all the hands and hearts that could be brought to bear upon it. He need not enlarge upon their measures, but there was one to which he could not avoid calling the attention of the House. It was well known that the finances of the country had not been in the most flourishing condition when they came to office, and that it was peculiarly necessary that that department should be conducted with skill and prudence. They had applied the requisite ability. They had carried into effect the measure of the commitee of finance. They had probed the wounds of the expenditure, and examined into our resources and the mode of their application, and these things, coupled with the late plan, proved sufficiently that they had not been incapable or remiss upon this point. The power of our enemy being so formidable, the late ministry shewed a spirit of conciliation which was called for by circumstances, but which was not degrading to the nation. They made propositions for peace when they saw an opening for them, and withdrew them as soon as it appeared that peace could not be obtained consistently with the national honour, but they did not indulge in idle declamation against him, whom they could not hope to conquer, but whom they were resolved, if possible, to restrain. With regard to the army, they adopted a system conformable to human nature; they had introduced the plan of limited service, which rendered the army more attractive, and which had the tendency to augment its numbers while it exalted its character; nor did they appear at any time disposed to reject any suggestion for amelioration from whatever quarter it came. As to their successors we had seen but little of them; but that little was not much to their credit. In some instance, their conduct had already been highly censurable. They had called their sovereign to the bar of the House to be arraigned, and then skulked behind the throne, and interposed the royal robe between themselves and merited reproof. He was as loyal as any of them, but by loyalty, he understood allegiance to the state and the constitution, which taught him not to compromise the person of the sovereign, whereas the tendency of their arguments was to render the sovereiga himself responsible. He thought, then, that it was necessary, that |