of the petition, if urged in proper and respectful terms. But a free declaration of their opinions was equally necessary from all; and with this necessity before us, I ask the House, whether we could, in justice to ourselves, or in fairness to his majesty, in the situation to which things were then brought, omit humbly submitting to him the view we entertained of the conduct which it would be requisite for us to hold. If a doubt is entertained upon this question, let me put it the other way. Suppose that the bill had been abandoned after the discussion, and in the manner that I have stated. Suppose, that, having so engaged to abandon it, we had gone to the two Houses of Parliament, and without any previous intimation to his majesty, both in withdrawing the bill, and afterwards on the introduction of the petition, supported the opinions upon the catholic question which we are known to hold. If we had done this, I desire to know what would have been the charge made against us, by those who now accuse us of an unfair and disrespectful proceeding towards that sovereign, whom, on account of his high situation and personal virtues, we are equally bound to revere.

We took therefore that course which appeared to us to be most fair and honourable. Our reasons were respectfully stated to his majesty, and we claimed a right to pronounce our opinions in Parliament on the occasions already stated, and also to submit for his majesty's decision, from time to time, such advice respecting Ireland, as the course of circumstances and the interests of the empire should require. This I am sure, in point of fairness, cannot be reprehended; and it was equally supported by motives of personal respect and public duty to our sovereign and to our country. A minute written with this view, and expressed in the most respectful language, was accordingly sent to his majesty. The royal answer expressed satisfaction at our determination to withdraw the bill, in deference to the king's opinions. It expressed some dissatisfaction, that we should feel it necessary as individuals to express our opinions, both on withdrawing the bill, and in any discussion which might take place on the petition. But the latter part of our statement required us absolutely to withdraw, declaring that his majesty could never consent to any concessions to the catholics which we might in future propose to him; and demanding from us a positive assurance in writing, which, as explained by the whole

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context of what was required of us, went not only to the question of concessions to the catholics, but to all measures connected with it.

Sir, I am fully convinced that the motives and opinions, as far as they were personal motives and opinions, which dictated that demand on the part of his majesty, were of the purest nature. I have been but a short time in the service of his majesty; but I have had many opportunities of observing his gracious and benevolent intentions towards his people, of his affection for them, and his desire to promote their happiness and welfare. As far as he was personally concerned (I say nothing of those who may have advised him), as far as his majesty was personally concerned, I am sure he was actuated by the most conscientious motives, and the most honourable feelings. But with such a requisition, Sir, we found it impossible to comply, consistently with any idea we entertained of duty or of honour. We felt it incumbent on us most respectfully and humbly, but most explicitly, to represent to his majesty, that those intrusted with administration were bound by every obligation to submit to his majes y, without reserve, the best advice they could frame, to meet the various exigencies and dangers of the times; and that the present formidable situation of Ireland required a repeated consideration of every fresh circumstance that might occur. We submitted, that in forbearing to urge any further, while we continued in his majesty's service, the measure that had been proposed to Parliament, we had gone to the utmost limits of our public duty; that we considered it would be criminal in us to bind ourselves to withhold from his majesty, under all circumstances that might arise, the counsels that might appear to us indispensably necessary; and that it was not possible for us, consistently with our sense of our obligation as the king's sworn counsellors, to give assurances which would impose upon us a restraint, incompatible with the faithful discharge of our most important duty. The consequence was, that the next day, his majesty, certainly with the most gracious and kind expressions with regard to every part of our conduct, communicated to us his intention to look out for other ministers. On the day after, we heard that other persons, not then in the number of his majesty's servants, had been sent for; and I was authorized a few days afterwards, in consequence of a request which I made, to declare

to the House that it was his majesty's intention to form a new administration. On Tuesday last, his majesty signified to us his pleasure, that we should, on the following day, deliver up our seals of office; we accordingly did so.

This, Sir, is the history of the whole transaction. I have not referred to any papers to support my statement; but I do wish, and am extremely anxious, that all the documents that can be furnished may meet the public eye, not in an improper, mutilated, or partial state. I shall be most happy, if his majesty is graciously pleased to give permission to his new servants to produce every paper that has passed upon the subject, in order that they may undergo the fullest examination in this House. I trust it will appear from those papers, that the statement I have made is correct in all its parts; and if that statement be correct, that the House will be satisfied upon the following points; first, that it was not without strong inducements of public interest that we proposed this measure originally to his majesty; secondly, that whatever misunderstanding may unfortunately have arisen, we did not propose it to Parliament without a firm persuasion that it had his majesty's sanction; thirdly, that when that misunderstanding was discovered, we went to the utmost limits of our duty in conceding the measure upon which that misunderstanding had arisen; and, fourthly, that in addition to that concession, under the peculiar circumstances in which we were placed, the respectful request that we submitted to his majesty, to allow us the liberty to explain our opinions and conduct upon the particular measure, accompanied, as it was, by a declaration of our wish to consult his personal ease and comfort, was not wantonly pressed upon his majesty, but from motives of duty and respect; and that the reserve we made as to the freedom of our future advice, was indispensable to our character and situation, as ministers of the crown and as servants of the public.

These, Sir, are therefore the points which I wish the House to understand; this statement, which, though at some length, is after all perhaps too cursorily given, is that which I have wished to lay before the House and the public. I shall be ready now or at any future time, to go more fully into it whenever it shall be required of me.

Sir, I shall conclude by declaring that I feel no disposition to complain. I am sure, as I have already stated, that there can be but one feeling and one opinion of the

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gracious kindness of his majesty, with respect to every class and description of his subjects; and so far from being a party to join in any thing that might lessen that attachment due to a virtuous sovereign from an affectionate and grateful people, no man can be more anxious than I am to promote and secure it to the utmost of my power. I should indeed be most ungrateful if I could be actuated by a different feeling; for I have had, during the short period of my services, repeated marks of his majesty's royal approbation; and I have the comfort and satisfaction, in retiring from office, to be able to state, upon the authority of his majesty's own gracious assurance, that, till this difference occurred, his majesty has been satisfied, that, however deficient I may have been in ability, I have constantly endeavoured, diligently and faithfully, to discharge my duty to him and to the public.

Sir, I stated in the outset that I would abstain from every thing like argument upon the subject. Upon the subject of the assurance required of us, I have, therefore, without discussing it as to its principle or its tendency, stated little more, than that I felt it to be a requisition, to which I could not subscribe consistently with my honour or my duty. I should indeed think it not only unconstitutional but highly criminal in any minister who could accept of or retain power subject to such a restraint. With that opinion, therefore, his majesty's late ministers were compeiled respectfully but decidedly to declare, that it was a stipulation which they could not enter into, without forfeiting their own esteem, and inasmuch as it must fetter and confine them in the exercise of their judgments, on those points on which they ought to be most free, without depriving them of the character of useful and honourable servants to their king and to their country.

Here, Sir, I shall for the present leave my conduct to the candid consideration of the House and of the public. I should be anxious, however, if any thing should arise out of this that could induce any gentleman to think it a proper subject for a motion, when those persons return to their seats, whose presence at the discussion is considered to be necessary, that the question should be taken up with as little delay as possible. I am therefore desirous that the adjournment should be short, and I had hoped that Monday se'nnight, by which day the new writs may with ease be returned, would have been proposed for our meeting

again; but the difference of two days is so small, that I do not feel disposed to press it. I shall therefore consent to the motion, stating only, that I shall be most anxious that the discussion may take place on the earliest possible day after the House shall have concluded its recess.

Mr. Huskisson said a few words in vindication of himself from the suspicion of being in any way concerned with the partial misrepresentation and suppression of the minutes of the cabinet. Besides, he thought that these minutes might have been very innocently communicated to others, who appeared certainly to have made a very improper use of that communication.

Mr. Fuller rose, to ask the noble lord if the slave trade abolition bill had been introduced into that House by the persons composing the late administration, in their individual capacities as members of Parliament, or in their collective character of the government.

Lord Howick replied, that the bill in question had been introduced by certain of his colleages and himself, in their individual capacity of members of Parliament.

Mr. Fuller wished to put another question to the noble lord. Were the seals delivered up by the late ministers on Tuesday last ?

Lord Howick. I have only to repeat what has been already stated, that his majesty required the seals of office on Tuesday; they were delivered in on Wednesday morning.

Mr. Brand gave notice that he would on that day fortnight, move certain resolutions expressive of his opinion of the conduct of the late administration, and of the grounds upon which his majesty had been advised to dismiss his late servants.

General Loftus stated, that no pledge had been given by the Irish government as to an extension of the act of the Irish Parliament of 1793, to Great Britain; but he admitted that a prospect to that amount had been held out. Nothing was wanted to make the people of Ireland completely happy but good order and industry. The mass of the people were in a situation as comfortable as that of any honourable gentleman who heard him. The catholics were only debarred from being judges in the courts of law, from being members of Parliament, and from being ge nerals on the staff, and these were restrictions that were never felt as grievances by the catholic body at large.