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the largest possible revenue from the pilgrims. It may not be known, that taxes of this kind are among the most productive sources of that ten per cent. so comfortably pocketed by the proprietor of Indian stock. The pilgrims visiting the temple of Gyah alone pay into the Indian treasury an aminal tax of a lack and a half of rupees. And if the amount of the Juggernaut tax is less than this, certainly the impoverished proprietors cannot charge it upon a want of either zeal or dexterity in Mr. Buller! We will indulge our readers, if any thing so truly derogatory to our national character as men and Christians can be considered as an indulgence, with a single extract from this voluminous correspondence, which will enable them to judge for themselves as to the object of the regulations proposed by Mr. Buller. This gentleman had observed with regret, that some recent regulations had diminished both the tax and the pilgrims. In order to replenish the coffers of idolatry, he enters on the subject with most laudable anxiety, and at last, among other contrivances, he proposes that a notice should be largely circulated, that licences or certificates, would, to prevent delay or inconvenience to the pilgrims, be sold in various parts of the country. He then adds, in the hope of comforting his desponding rulers under their actual deprivations This publication, I apprehend, if immediately made, though it would not have any important effect with respect to the increased number of pilgrims at the time of the Dole Jattrah, which will occur in March next, yet I conceive will be successfully felt on the occasion of the next Ruth Jattrah, which will take place in July." Whether his prediction was so soon fulfilled we are unable to say; but the consequences of his plan were awfully, as well as "successfully felt," in 1811, when 150 persons were crushed to death. If this single extract from the correspondence of Mr. Buller were not sufficient, there would be no difficulty in adducing as many pages, as we have given words, in support of our allegation. Nor, if we were disposed to multiply quotation, would another right bold ally of the Anti-christianizers at the bar of the House of Commons escape. Much had we marvelled before in what school he had studied that lesson in which he was so ready a catechumen. But our astonishment ceased on perusing the address of a board, of which he was an active member, and which urges upon the Indian government the adoption of measures to "increase the reputation and prosperity of the temple, and to augment the public revenue." Can plain men put more than one interpretation on language such as this, viz. that the authors of this address wished to perpetuate even the worst rites of heathenism, in order to increase the public revenue? Another question naturally follows in the train of this:

VOL. V. NO. X.

Can men, influenced by these views, be deemed competent and fair witnesses for or against Christianity at the bar of the House of Commons?

But finally, for we are really weary of demonstrating what may now, we conceive, be deemed established truths, the Anglo-Indians, and their friends in and out of parliament, had laid all nature under contribution for images vast enough to convey a conception of the horrors which were to follow the insane attempt to introduce Christianity by the most pacific means into India. Hear, for instance, one of the best of the parliamentary declaimers on this topic, Mr. Marsh. (Marsh's Speech, p. 17.)

"Is it possible that this house will go off into such a fit of absurdity and fanaticism, or be visited with so fatal a fatuity, as not to keep so awful an event before them, in the grave discussion of matters affecting the religion of that country? That event has interposed the warning of sobriety and wisdom to this headlong, precipitate, busy, meddling, gossiping, officious interference with matters, which the laws of God and nature have placed beyond our jurisdiction. What is the lesson it has left us? Why, that our subjects in India, immovably passive under our political domination, are wakefully sensitive to all attempts at a religious one; that while they are upholding our empire by the steady and willing services of a patient and unwearied attachment, there are still limits to their allegiance, however firm and enduring, in those unconquerable feelings, and unbending habits, which bind them, as by links of adamant, to the religion and laws of their country. Surely, sir, we need not the acting over again of that dreadful drama, to be taught, that all attempts on their religion, however cautiously and covertly made, must not only be unavailing but calamitous.”

Now, without touching the stale topic of the Vellore meeting, which Mr. Marsh ought to have known is wholly cleared of all connexion with missionaries and, Christianity by the testimonies of the commanding officer on the station, we feel ourselves able to prove, from the very conduct of many of the loudest of these alarmists, that all this clamor and apprehension is wholly assumed. For example-the government in India, and Mr. Buller, and Mr. Graham, are among those most vehement in, sounding the tocsin on our startled shores: surely, then, these persons have themselves approached the Hindu superstition with cautious steps, with averted eyes, with unshod feet? surely they have laid no rash hand upon the sacred vessels of its temple? surely they have not prescribed laws for the management of the ritual? surely they have placed no bar in the path of the worshipper, issued no restriction, erected no gate, displaced or enthroned no idol What will the public think when they hear that they have repeatedly, habitually, uniformly done all this, and more: that

they have actually new modelled a ceremonial for the temple at Juggernaut; laid a tax on every individual of a certain rank who approaches it; denied all access to no less than seventeen classes of Hindus; erected, on the solicitation of one sect, and in opposition to the remonstrance of another, a new idol; subjected every pilgrim to personal examination; and, for a time, so multiplied the difficulties of access, that many poor wretches, who had travelled some degrees under a burning sun to worship the idol, were com→ pelled to return without accomplishing their object. Let any man read the parliamentary documents, and say whether all this is so or not. But if so- -if these alarmists have done all this, and done it with impunity; if India is still a British possession; if it still lies in dumb submission;-then what becomes of the sincerity, or of the terrors of these gentlemen, who having thus done, proclaim that a man cannot preach a quiet sermon without divorcing the two countries? For ourselves, we need no further proof that government and the people (for this is truly a popular cause) have done well in throwing wide the national floodgates, in order to pour the tide of sacred knowledge over the "dry places" of India; that the fears of many are, as they were called, "phantoms and bugbears;" that people who have not kicked against the goads of intolerance, will endure to be reasoned and caressed out of their superstition; that those who have tamely borne the irons of financial exaction, may be safely drawn by the "cords of love."

Such, then, is a small part of the important facts which have been dragged into view by this controversy between a few indi viduals.

We had designed, in entering upon this review, to state our own sentiments at large upon this highly interesting topic. But we are both afraid of weakening the force of the facts which have been adduced, and of exhausting the patience of our readers. Besides, the more we investigate this subject, the more disposed we feel to abridge all discussion. It is our full conviction, that however arguers may choose to multiply the points of debate, there is but one about which thinking men have their minds really exercised. We believe, for instance, that most of the declamation about the present happiness of the Hindus, and the inferiority of Christians or Christianity, is a mere veil for something else. Every man in the country who knows any thing of the Hindus, or of the religion we propose to give them, believes they will be the better for it. The fear perhaps is, that they will be so much the better as not to be precisely fitted for the kind of government we may deem it expedient to exercise over them. We think the real question which determines some

men, perplexes others, and creates difficulties to all, may be thus stated: "will not that improvement of the Hindus, which will necessarily result from the introduction of Christianity, be such as to destroy the political relation that now exists between the two countries?"-On this topic we will take leave to say a few words.

In the first place, we fully admit that the introduction of Christianity will impart a new power to the natives. Knowledge is power-virtue is power-and Christianity will give them both. Their power, therefore, to resist injustice, to cast off the yoke of unmanly slavery, will unquestionably be increased. At the same time such appears to be the influence of climate upon a large proportion of the inhabitants of that vast peninsula, that we have no expectation of seeing their energies unfold themselves either largely or rapidly; of seeing them rise immediately, or perhaps at all, up to the level of these new principles; of seeing them so transformed as soon, if ever, to rival Europeans.

But, admitting this increase to the utmost extent, is it religion alone that can thus increase these powers? Will not the improved system of legislation they enjoy, the commercial intercourse with Europeans, the invigorating habits of European discipline, the influx, by the operation of the new charter, of men of all classes from all countries, raise them to a new standard, kindle in them new desires, excite them to fresh enterprizes, stir up in them that spirit of emulation so terrible to a jealous oppressor? Will not that light, which of itself is breaking in upon their comparatively benighted country, insensibly diffuse itself, illuminate what is dark, warm what is cold, quicken what is dead? Is not this effect, indeed, already in some measure apparent? Are not the Hindus in many instances stealing up to what is formidable, even under the superincumbent weight of European illiberality? Are not some of their merchants as dexterous as our own, and some of the Sepoys able to measure swords with the soldiers of Europe? Power, then, will on either system be imparted. But, now, mark the difference of disposition in the application of that power imparted by the opposite system. Give them religion, make them a part of yourselves; identify their views, hopes, interests, wishes, with your own; convince them of your ardent desire to impart to them all that constitutes your real greatness and happiness, viz. your moral character; and, then, though you give the power, you at the same time disarm it; though you put the sword into their hands, you previously destroy its edge. But, on the other hand, suppose the people of India to go forward in this march of mind without our concurrence; forbidden light, as it were, to break

in upon them; greatness to be insensibly imparted by their necessary contact with others; then, with the power, will grow up the disposition to employ it against ourselves. Power stolen or extorted is not likely to be employed for our benefit. The arms which they wrench from us they will use for our destruction. Surely the contrast is neither slight nor unimportant. The argument is fallacious only on the supposition that the Hindus will in no way advance and be invigorated, if Christianity is withheld from them. But can this be proved? Is it probable? Is it consistent with existing facts? Does not that very meeting of Vellore, which has been made to teach so many mischievous lessons, instruct us, in a voice of thunder, that discipline also is power, and that natives, who are not Christians, might and may subvert our Indian empire?

But we have hitherto permitted the Anti-christianizers to place their argument upon an assumption which gives it the only colour of plausibility it possesses. They argue as though the whole of the Peninsula were, by some overwhelming impulse, -to become Christians at once; to start, full armed, from the brows of missionaries, and instantly and universally to feel the invigorating powers of true religion. Would to God the mind might soberly indulge itself in such glorious visions! But, alas! by far the more probable hypothesis is, that, for a time especially, the career of the Gospel will be slow in India. In the mean time, what must be the state of things? The country will be divided into two classes, the Christians and Hindus. Now, in this state, suppose insurrection to arise, who does not see, that any thing of confederated rebellion will be impossible; and that, whichever party revolts, one will be found on the side of government? It is a curious fact, that even now this principle of division is regarded in the construction of our Indian armies. The practice is, to incorporate a certain number of Mahomedans with the Hindus, under the full conviction, that the antipathy of the two parties will dispose either, in case of tumult, to side with us instead of making a common cause with the other.

But we confess that this narrow view of the result of the apostolic efforts of a great nation by no means satisfies us. We will dare to look forward to a period when, under the Divine blessing, the seed cast into the soil shall clothe with a smiling verdure the whole of those arid plains; when there shall be as many Christians in India as men. Now, supposing this to be the case, we have already glanced at the influence of religion upon the natives. Upon the hypothesis above stated, it is probable the relation of the countries would survive the change. But this is certainly not the only state of things to be contem