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metaque fervidis Evituta rotis. Lib. i. Ode 1. At the funeral games instituted by Achilles in honor of Patroclus, Nestor is introduced as advising his son Archilochus, one of the competitors in the chariot race, to keep as near the goal as possible in turning round it; checking the horse on the left, and giving the reins to the horse on the right; since the gaining the prize often depended as much on the skill of the charioteer, as on the fleetness of the horses, (and those of Nestor are represented as none of the swiftest,) or light construction of the chariot.

Thus Homer, Il. xxiii. vs. 319 :
'Αλλ' ός μέν θ' ίπποισι και άρμασιν οίσι πεποιθώς,
Αφραδέως επί πολλών ελίσσεται ένθα και ένθα,
"Ιπποι δε πλανόωνται ανά δρόμον, ουδε κατίσχει.
Sed qui equis et curribus suis fretus (est)
Imprudenter late flectit huc et illuc;

Equique vagantur per stadium neque (eos) continet. And some of the spectators having lost sight of the chariots, supposed they had run off the course :

Ai Ö (17701) Emperoav etel Mévos arceße fupóy. Il. xxiii, vs. 468. Ipsæque (equæ) extra viam cucurrerunt postquam suror

occupavit animam. If the horses became ungovernable, they were apt, when in full speed, according to the racing phrase, to bolt at the turn of the

meta," and run off the course between the “ termata,” or bounding stones, and the director of course lost his controul: nor, to apply the illustration, is war to be restrained or confined within prescribed limits.

The word spatium is also metaphorically used to signify a certain limitation of space, where, in the fourth Georgic, the Poet, describing the scientific practice of the old Corycian in his garden, refrains from expatiating too largely on the interesting topic, because he was confined by the subject of his poem within determinate bounds, which it would be injudicious to transgress. G. iv. vs. 147.

Verum hæc ipse equidem spatiiserclusus iniquis
Prætereo, atque aliis post me memoranda relinquen.

The term also occurs in the sense of a measured space in the third Eclogue, vs. 106.

Dic quibus in terris, et eris mihi magnus Apollo,
Tres pateat cælispatiunnon amplius ulnas.

And the consideration of it in this place has led the translator, without any premeditated design, to attempt a new solution of the Ænigma contained in the foregoing lines. The reader will himself perceive that the dignity of the Georgics will not be compromised by this endeavour, since the elucidation of the term in the nigma will help to determine its meaning in the chariot race. The note of Ruæus is, “ Anigma difficile in quo Virgilium crucem fixisse grammaticis refert Servius ex Asconio, qui hoc ipsum e Virgilio audisse se professus est.” And he quotes no less than eight different interpretations, neither of which appears to have the least available reference to the subject under review..

It will in the first place be necessary to attach a precise meaning to ulna, as connected with spalium. This word occurs only in one other place in Virgil's works, where he describes the Scythian winter,

Sed jacet aggeribus niveis in formis, et alto

Terra gelu late, septemque assurgit in ulnas, when he says the snow lay in heaps “ seven ells” in depth : this some interpret seven cubits; others seven times the length of a man's arm; and others the length of the extended arms : from this discordancy, therefore, its measurement cannot satisfactorily be determined by a reference to commentators; nor from its Greek derivation whém, which is indifferently rendered by cubitus and ulna : but Virgil himself has more precisely defined the “ cubitus,” in the description of the death of Dido, Æn. iv. vs. 690.

Ter sese attollens, cubitoque innira levavit ; where the cubit certainly means the part of the arm from the elbow to the extrænity of the fingers: the fore-part of the arm being thus assigned to the “ cubit,” (cubitus,) it is fair to presuihe the whole arm means “an ell” (ulna). The rñxus of Homer seems to be usually rendered by “ cubitus," and im by “una:" thus the latter is applied to the whole arm in deuxúasvos "Hem, (translated by Clarke " candidas ulnas habens Juno"): 'Exen deuxá/svos, &c. Virgil in the eighth Æneid, vs. 387, where he represents Venus as embracing Vulcan, exemplifies the Greek epithet by “ niveæ lacertæ."

Dixerut, el niveishinc atque hinc Dira" lacertis"

Cunciuntem amplexu molli fovet. Having thus determined the use of ulna by the authority of Virgil himself, as signifying “ an ell,” or the length of a man's arm, the next point is to consider in what way it applies to

the Ænigma. When the arms of a well-proportioned man are extended from the extremity of one middle finger to the extremity of the other, the whole expanse of his breadth is exactly. equal to his height; and each arm is taken to be one-third of the measure, and the breast the remaining third : the height of a man therefore consists of " three ells," or three times the length

of his arm.

And now to consider the scope of the whole reasoning. The verses containing the Ænigma may be translated thus : “ Say on what spot of the carth, and thou shalt be esteemed the prince of prophets, a certain determinate measured space under the canopy of heaven distinctly appears extended in length of the exact dimensions of three ells ?"

The answer is; This measured space is that on which is visibly and correctly described,

* The figure of a man by his shadow.” And in this image, whether seen lengthened at sun-rise or sunset, or diminished at mid-day; whether it be reflected as of the dimensions of two feet or twenty feet; the length of the arm will always bear an unequivocal proportion to the length of the whole represented body.

And the Ænigma is peculiarly appropriate in the mouth of Damcetas; for the Roman shepherds were accustomed to calculate the time of day by the length of the shadow; as in the first Eclogue, vs. 84:

Ft jam summa procul villarum culmina fumant,

Majoresque cadunt altis de montibus umbra. And again in the second Eclogue, vs. 66. :

Aspice; aratra jugo referunt suspensa juvenci,

Et sol crescentes decedens duplicat umbrus. And Horace notes this circumstance much in the same manner:

Sol nbi montium
Mutaret umbras, et juga demeret

Bobus fatigatis.
We
may
also
suppose,

that at the conclusion of the amabæan contest, the evening was approaching, and Damcetas proposed his well-timed Anigma, at the instant he was contemplating the shadowed image of his own person.

ROBERT HOBLYN, M. A. late Student of Christ Church, Oxford.

344

MISCELLANEA CLASSICA.

No. VΙΙ.

I. HERODOTUS, speaking of a report current in his time respecting a supposed connexion between the republic of Argos and the court of Persia, concludes (vii. 152.): επίσταμαι δε τοσούτο, ότι εί πάντες άνθρωποι τα οικήiα κακά ές μέσον συνενείκαιεν, αλλάξασθαι βονλόμενοι τοίσι πλησίοισι, εγκύψαντες αν ές τα των πελας κακά, ασπασίως έκαστοι αυτέων αποφεροίατο όπίσω τα εσενείκαντο. This passage, Or perhaps some other version of the same sentiment, appears to have furnished the original hint for that vision ju the Spectator, (Nos, 558 and 559,) in which the whole race of humankind are represented as assembled together on a vast plain, for the purpose of collecting the various troubles and inconveniences which affect them severally, into one heap, from which each afterwards selects, by way of exchange, some other grievance, which appears to him more easy to be endured: the whole multitude, however, as soon as the change is effected, in utter dissatisfaction with their bargains, implore Jupiter for the restoration of their old and legitimate grievauces, to which he graciously consents. The only difference is, that the kakà of Herodotus are moral, not physical or external evils. Schweighæuser indeed says plausibly: Suspicatus equidem eram ex prisci alicujus Sapientis dicto sententiam hanc mutuatum esse Herodotum, et ita in usum suum convertisse, ut, quod ille de fortunæ casibus et calamitatibus dixisset, quibus obnoxii sunt mortales, ad mala moralia, ad prava atque turpia facta hominum, transferret."

II. Suetonius, speaking of Cæsar's descent on Africa, in the prosecution of the campaign against Juba and Scipio, says : Prolapsusin egressu navis, verso in melius omine, •Teneo te,' inquit, ‘Africa.' Jul. 59. Su likewise Dion, lib. xlii. p. 212. ed. Leunclav. éxßárri de αυτό της νεώς συντυχία τοιάδε έγένετο, υφ' ής ει και τι φοβερών υπό του δημοσίον σφίσιν έσημαίνετο, αλλά και αυτό γε εκείνο ές αγαθόν έτρεψεν. επειδή γαρ άμα τω της γης επιβήναι, προσέπταισε, και αυτών πεσόντα επί στόμα οι στρατιώται ιδόντες ήθύμησαν, και δυσανασχετήσαντες εθορύβησαν (εθορυβήθησαν ?), ου διηπορίθη, αλλ' εκτείνας την χείρα, την τε γήν, ως και εκών δή πεσών, περιέλαβε και κατεφίλησε και αναβούσας είπεν, "Έχω σε, 'Αφρική. Our own history offers a curious parallel to this incident. ' In the landiug of the Normans at Hastings, immediately preceding the great battle which decided the fate of England, “Duke William stumbled iu alighting from his ship, which a soldier standing by converted into a good omen, saying, "Oh, duke, soon to be king, you now take possession of England.'” Extracts

from the history of Matthew Paris, translated in Blackwood's Edin-
burgh Magazine, vol. v. p. 260. Perhaps the well-known artifice, by
which the elder Brutus turned the respouse of the Delphic oracle to
his own advantage, was in Cæsar's mind on this occasion.
III. Æschylus, in the description of Capaneus, says:

Θεού τε γαρ θέλοντος εκπέρσειν πόλιν,
και μη θέλοντός φησιν, ουδε την Διός

έριν πέδη σκήψα σαν εκποδών σχεθείν. Τheb. 429. Perhaps the poet had in his mind an incident in the eighth Iliad:

Και νυ κε σήκασθεν κατά Ιλιον, ήύτε άρνες,
ει μη άρ' οξύ νόησε πατήρ ανδρών τε, θεών τε:
βροντήσας δ' άρα δεινόν, αφήκ' αργήτα κεραυνών,
καδδε πρόσθ' ίππων Διομήδεος ήκε χαμάξε:
τώ δ' ίππω δείσαντε καταπτήτην υπ' όχεσφιν" κ.τ.λ.

11. Θ. 131. IV. The method of consulting the oracle of Faunus, described in Virg. Æn. VII. I. 81. et seqq. bears a considerable resemblance to the mode of augury attributed to the ancient Highlanders in Scott's Lady of the Lake, Canto IV. and notes. The passages are too long for extraction. .

V. To the instances of metrical lines in ancient prose writers, alleged in former numbers of the Misc. Class. add the following: Τhuc. iv. 107. τον ποταμόν πολλοίς πλοίους άφνω καταπλεύσας

109. έχει Σάμην μέν, Ανδρίων αποικίαν
v. 72. άλλο στρατοπέδω, και μάλιστα τη μέση
vi. 56. ήκειν κανουν οίσουσαν εν πομπή τινι,

απήλασαν, λέγοντες
vii. 34. αυτους εκατέρους αξιoύν νικάν, όμως

viii. 23. πάλιν κατεστήσαντο, και πλεύσαντες εξ Polyb. 1. 31. δυσθυμία και λιμός ήν ολοσχερής

34. μάχης δεόντως ήσαν εστοχασμένοι
45. έργοις, συνήγε πάντας εις εκκλησίαν.

78. όμως δε προσεδέξαντο, και συνήλθον εις
Liv. iv.. 5. Tentabunt semper, vires non experientur.
57.

intra Monia compulsis, nec defendentibus agros. VI. Blomfield, in liis Glossary on Escli. Prom. 409, ν. 'Αμέγαρτα, enumerates two meanings of 'apéyapros, viz. “immisericors," and " baud invidendus." To these might perhaps have been added a third, namely, “copiosus,” “non parce vel invidenter tributus," as in Houn. ΙΙ. Β. 420, 'Αλλ' όγε δέκτο μεν ιρα, πόνον δ' αμέγαρτον όφελλεν" and in Od. Λ. 406, "Όρσας αργαλέων ανέμων αμέγαρτον αϋτ μήν corresponding to the signification of the verb peyaipetv in Homer.

VII. In a former pumber of the Misc. Class. mention was made of an argument adduced in proof of 'Ατρείδης, Πηλείδης, and similar names in Homer, being dissyllables, from the circumstance of their pever being so siluated in any verse, as to form the latter balf of the

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