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if the preceding clauses, on which the meaning of the present seems to depend, are to be understood of the whole human race(éni a cioto uépos yñs); and I know not how they can be understood otherwise. The pestilence (11. 47, 48) had visited Egypt, Ethiopia, Libya, and great part of the Persian empire, together with the Isle of Lemnos, and other places (unless the λεγόμενον και πρότερον πολλαχόσε εγκατασκηψαι, και περί Λήμνον και έν άλλοις χωρίοις, be supposed to refer to the visitations of a similar calamity in former ages), an extent which might seem to authorise the expression uépos Ti Pelpura, as applied to the whole human race.
V. Cic. Tusc. II. 2. “ Ea” (gloria sc.) “ virtuti resonat tanquam imago." Davies, in bis note, quotes various instances of this usage of imago: he has omitted Virg. Georg. 1v. 50. “ vocisque offensa resultat imago."
VI. Thucydides, in his relation of the last sea-fight in the harbour of Syracuse, after having given the speeches of the commanders on both sides, proceeds: 'O dè Nixias, ÚTÒ Tãy napóUTAY εκπεπληγμένος, και όρων οίος ο κίνδυνος, και ως εγγύς ήδη ήν, ....και νομίσας (όπερ πάσχουσιν εν τοις μεγάλους αγώσι) πάντα τε έργω έτι σφίσιν ενδεά είναι, και λόγω αυτοίς ούπω ικανά ειρήσθαι, αύθις των τριηραρχών ένα έκαστον ανεκάλει, πατρόθεν τε επονομάζων, κ. τ. λ. Α friend compares this with the conduct of Hannibal in Livy, xxi. 45. before the battle of Ticinus. The historian had just before delivered what he represents as the orations of the respective generals to their armies. “ Hannibal .....cum instare certamen cerneret, nihil unquam satis dictum præmonitumque ad cohortandos milites ratus, vocatis ad concionem certa præmia pronunciat, in quorum spem pugnarent, &c.”
VII. Baver, in a note on Thuc. v. 11, (note s) says: “In Græciæ urbibus quibusdam, quos honorifice sepelire volebant, eos in urbe media et prope forum sæpius étantov .... Idem de Euphrone a Corinthiis sepulto testatur, Plut. in Arat.” For Corinthiis read Sicyoniis; unless the error be Plutarch's. See Xen. Hel. vii. S.
VIII. In the Vth Number of Miscellanea Classica (Class. J. No. XXXVI. p. 240, art. lvii.) were quoted some instances, from Scripture, of a kind of expression frequent in the lyrical parts of the Greek tragedians. The author lately saw a translation of an old Scandinavian song, in which the feasting on the body of a slain enemy is called, exactly in the same style,
a banquet, unseemly,
Of flesh. I shall take this opportunity of correcting two errata in the above Number. In Art. xxx1. on Quint. Cal. ix. 353,
ο7 δ' ότε δη Λήμνον (misprinted Δήμνον) κίον, ήδε και άντρον κοίλον
λαϊνεον. read, « For κοίλον” (not for κίον) « Rhodoman conjectures ίκανον or ixorto.” In Art. 1. read, “ In apposition” (not in opposition) “to the passage in Ovid." On Art. XXXV. concerning the quaulity of the word Gyges in Horace, it may be remarked, that some editions read “ centimanus Gyas.”
IX. An anecdote is related of Conrad of Würzburg, an ancient German poet, which reminds us of the tradition concerning Antimachus of Colophon. He composed a poem on the Trojan war, of which « the portion which has been printed, and which contains upwards of twenty-five thousand verses, just brings it" (the story)“ down to the sacrifice of Iphigenia." Edinburgh Review, vol. xxvi. p. 198. The allusion in the same paragraph to the imperfect armour of the Greeks of the heroic ages, is perhaps not quite correct. The incident which the reviewer bas quoted from the poem in question, of “ the infant Paris ' smiling so sweetly' on bis murderers," (the persons whom Priam had sent to destroy him)“ as to unman them for the completion of their errand,” is related by Herodotus of Cypselus, the father of Periander of Corinth. (Herod. v. 92.)
X. Among the examples of harmony quoted from Theocritus by the author of the Essay on the Greek Pastoral Poets (Class. Journ. XXXVI. p. 294) is one from the seventh Idyl : το δ' εγγύθεν ιερόν ύδωρ Νυμφάν εξ αντρούο κατειβόμενον κελάρυσδε. The latter part of this verse is from Ηom. II. Φ. 261. το δε τ' ώκα κατειβόμενον κελαρύζει Χώρω ενί προαλεί.
XI. Herod. Ι. 35. Περσέων ομοία τοίσι πρώτοισι δυώδεκα επί ουδεμιή αιτίη αξιόχρεω ελών, (ο Καμβύσης,) ζώοντας επί κεφαλήν κατώρυξεν, One of the modern kings of Persia is said to have « fastened men alive to branches of trees, and then planted them in avenues with their heads buried, and their limbs in the air, which he wittily called ' a garden of enemies.'”
XII, To the collections of metrical lines in former numbers, add the following: Thucyd. Ι. 10. (Scaz.) ούκουν απιστεϊν εικός, ουδε τας όψεις
18. ξυμπολεμήσαντες. δυνάμει γαρ ταύτα μέγιστα-
V. 90. ές Σικελίαν, πρώτον μεν, ει δυναίμεθα-
91. επικουρίαν πέμπωσι. τειχίζειν δε χρή
103. αυτώ δι' ασθένειαν υπολελειμμένος.
v1. 87. και τους διαφθαρείσι δυστυχέστατον.
39. ου φιλολοιδορον όντα φύσει, δια τας υπό τούτου-
85. νύν επί τόνδ' ήκειν, πάσαν έχει κακίαν. Polyb. Legat. 65. και διατελούσι προστατούντες ου μόνονLongin. de Subl. 44. ημών εκάστου τους όλους ήδη βίους.
In one half page of the dialogue De Morte Peregrini, printed with the works of Lucian, the following three lambics occur:
Πρωτεύς, ένέπεσεν ες το δεσμωτήριον.
Luciani Opp. ed. Bip. viii. p. 279. Cic. Tusc. 11. 4. Me nimis vitæ cupidum fuisse
111. 7. At nemo sapiens, nisi fortis: non cadet ergoLiv. xxxvi. 12. Clausis, armatos in muris disposuerunt. XXXIX. 28. Non, nisi vicissent Romani, sed nisi bellum
XL. 4. Conscendunt, tanquam redituri ThessalonicamXLV. 27. Vates Amphilochus colitur, templumque vetus
35. Romam venirent, principumque Græciæ. XIII. Among the rules which have been laid down for the construction of Latin Alcaic verse, is one, that a short vowel is never to be used at the conclusion of a line, when the next line begins with a vowel. This rule is deduced from the practice of Horace, and with sufficient correctness; it is however observable, that Horace seldom concludes an Alcaic line with a short vowel, whether the next line begin with a vowel or a consonant. This will appear on an examination of his Alcaic odes. That this could not have proceeded from chance, appears from the contrary example of Casimir; who, in one Ode (Lib. iv. Od. xxxvII.) consisting of about thirty stanzas, bas concluded no fewer than twelve lines with a short vowel.
XIV. In the Quarterly Review, vol. xix. p. 212, it is stated, that the epithet Grynæus (rather Gryneus, as derived from the name Grynus) does not belong to Apollo, but to a grove consecrated to Apollo (Grynei nemoris, Virg. Ecl. vs. 72). It is applied however to Apollo, En. IV. l. 345.
XV. It would appear from Thucyd. 111. 62. that the eúvouía of Thebes, spoken of by Plato, did not exist at the time of the Persian war. A Theban is speaking ημίν...η πόλις τότε ετύγχανεν ούτε κατ' ολιγαρχίαν ισόνομον πολιτεύουσα, ούτε κατά δημοκρατίαν. όπερ δέ εστι νόμοις μεν και τα σωφρονεστάτω εναντιώτατον, εγγυτάτω δε τυράννου, δυναστεία ολίγων ανδρών είχε τα πράγματα. The revolution, by which the subsequent change of system was established, unnoticed i history, seems to have taken place not long after the retreat of the Persians, and prior to the Athenian conquest of Boeotia. (Thucyd. ibid.) An additional testimony to the good government of the Boeotian cities in the earlier ages occurs in Livy, xxxvII. 6. “ per multa jam sæcula publice privatimque labaote egregia quondam disciplina gentis.” The same writer speaks of the characteristic dražia of Thessaly, as existing even under the Roman government. xxxiv. 51.“ Pergit" (Flamininus sc.)“ ire in Thessaliam : ubi non liberandæ modo civitates erant, sed ex omni colluvione et confusione in aliquam tolerabilem formam redigendæ. Nec enim temporum modo vitiis, ac violentia et licentia regia turbati erant, sed inquieto etiam ingenio ; nec comitia, nec conventum, nec concilium ullum, non per seditionem ac tumultum, jam inde a principio ad nostram usque ætatem, traducentes.” The terms also in which he speaks of the Acarnanians (fides insita genti, xxx111. 16.) agree with Mitford's report of the estimation in which they were held for probity in the time of the Peloponnesian war. Mitford, in his account of the Baotian constitution (vol. 1. p. 364), speaking of the magistrates, called Bæotarchs, stated by some writers to have been seven in number, by others eleven, says, “ Perhaps the number varied, as the power of Thebes rose or sunk, or as the smaller towns suffered or successfully resisted oppression.” Does the writer mean to imply, that the Boeotarchs were exclusively Thebansi" A passage of Thucydides (iv. 91) in which Pagondas, one of their number, is mentioned as Βοιωταρχών εκ Θηβών μετ' 'Αριανθίδου του Λυσιμαχίδου, implies the contrary, Βοιωταρχών εκ Θηβών may be translated “ member for Thebes;" which supposes that members were likewise sent from the other Bæotian cities to the board of Bæot. archs. Thebes, as the leading city, sent two or more representatives. XVI. In Hom. Od. A. 143, we read :
είπε, άναξ, πως κέν μ' αναγνοίη τοϊον εόντα; Quere, ανγνοίη ?
See also vol, vi. p.154.
XVII. In an account of the manners of La Vendée, in the Quarterly Review, vol. xv. p. 7. Art. Memoirs of Mad. La Roche Jaquelin, we meet with a well-known Roman custom. “ At marriages, the bride-maids present the bride with a distaff and spindle, to remind her of her domestic duties.”—The following passage in the account of the war contained in the same article, will remind the reader of a frequent occurrence in Grecian history. “ Easter was at hand; and the insurgents, thinking they had done enough to make themselves feared, thought they might keep the holidays as usual; they dispersed every man to his own house; and a republican column from Angers traversed the country without meeting with the slightest resistance .... When the holidays were over, the insurgents appeared again.” p. 13.
XVIII. The suppression of the Bacchanalian rites by the Roman senate, U.C. 566 (Liv. XXXIX. 8–19), is sometimes cited by writers on the Christian evidences as a proof of the aversion with which the Romans regarded the introduction of new religions, unauthorised by the state. I question, however, whether, as an instance, it is well selected. The circumstances of the case were peculiar. The Bacchanalian club (to borrow an expression from Jacobinical times) was not merely a confederacy for the purpose of introducing a new religion—it was a confederacy in crime; the public peace was disturbed, the public morals endangered, and the greatest atrocities perpetrated, under the pretext of the new worship. (Ib. cap. 8.) It may be observed, however, that the principle contended for is expressly recognised in the speech of the consul Postumius to the people. (cap. 16.) “Quoties hoc patrum avorumque ætate negotium est magistratibus datum, ut sacra externa fieri vetarent, sacrificulos vatesque foro, circo, urbe prohiberent, vaticinos libros conquirerent comburerentque, omnem disciplinam sacrificandi, præterquam more Romano, abolerent ! Judicabant enim prudentissimi viri omnis divini humanique juris, nihil æque dissolvendæ religionis esse, quam ubi non patrio, sed externo ritu sacrificaretur.” Livy's account of the whole affair is curious, and deserves perusal. One of the articles of prohibition is worth quoting, in the light above mentioned—“ne qua pecunia communis esset.” (cap. 13.)
XIX. To the passage from Soph. Ant. and the saying of the wife of Intaphernes in Xerodotus, quoted in Art. xxx. of No. V. of the Misc. Class. (No. xxxix. p. 233, of this Journal), add a passage from an old English ballad, quoted as apposite to the former by Mr. J. Smith, in bis “ Tragedies founded on the Greek Drama," lately published. (Preface to the “ House of Laius,” p. xviii.) “ There is not an incurious coincidence of sentiment in the second volume of the Scottish Border Minstrelsy in the ballad of