Pennsylvania is from Britain; and yet we are, if possible, more careless than the people of Laish! As the Scriptures are given for our reproof, instruction, and warning, may we make a due use of this example, before it be too late! And is our country, any more than our city, altogether free from danger? Perhaps not. We have, it is true, had a long peace with the Indians: but it is a long peace indeed, as well as a long lane, that has no ending. The French know the power and importance of the Six Nations, and spare no artifice, pains, or expense to gain them to their interest. By their priests they have converted many to their religion, and these have openly espoused their cause. The rest appear irresolute what part to take; no persuasions, though enforced with costly presents, having yet been able to engage them generally on our side, though we had numerous forces on their borders, ready to second and support them. What then may be expected, now those forces are, by orders from the crown, to be disbanded, when our boasted expedition is laid aside, through want (as it may appear to them) either of strength or courage; when they see, that the French and their Indians, boldly, and with impunity, ravage the frontiers of New York, and scalp the inhabitants; when those few Indians, that engaged with us against the French, are left exposed to their resentment: when they consider these things, is there no danger that, through disgust at our usage, joined with fear of the French power, and greater confidence in their promises and protection than in ours, they may be wholly gained over by our enemies, and join in the war against us? If such should be the case, which God forbid, how soon may the mischief spread to our frontier countries? And what may we expect to be the consequence, but desertion of plantations, ruin, bloodshed, and confusion! Perhaps some in the city, towns, and plantations near the river, may say to themselves, "An Indian war on the frontiers will not affect us; the enemy will never come near our habitations; let those concerned take care of themselves." And others who live in the country, when they are told of the danger the city is in from attempts by sea, may say, "What is that to us? The enemy will be satisfied with the plunder of the town, and never think it worth his while to visit our plantations: let the town take care of itself." These are not the mere suppositions, for I have heard some talk in this strange manner. But are these the sentiments of true Pennsylvanians, of fellow-countrymen, or even of men, that have common sense or goodness? Is not the whole province one body, united by living under the same laws, and enjoying the same privileges? Are not the people of city and country connected as relations, both by blood and marriage, and in friendships equally dear? Are they not likewise united in interest, and mutually useful and necessary to each other? When the feet are wounded, shall the head say, it is not me; I will not trouble myself to contrive relief! Or if the head is in danger, shall the hands say, we are not affected, and therefore will lend no assistance! No. For so would the body be easily destroyed: but when all parts join their endeavours for its security, it is often preserved. And such should be the union between the country and the town; and such their mutual endeavours for the safety of the whole. When New England, a distant colony, involved itself in a grievous debt to reduce Cape Breton, we freely gave four thousand pounds for their rclief. And at another time, remembering that Great Britain, still more distant, groaned under heavy taxes in supporting the war, we threw in our mite to their assistance, by a free gift of three thousand pounds: and shall country and town join in helping strangers (as those comparatively are) and yet refuse to assist each other? But whatever different opinions we have of our security in other respects, our TRADE, all seem to agree, is in danger of being ruined in another year. The great success of our enemies, in two different cruizes this last summer in our bay, must give them the greatest encouragement to repeat more frequently their visits, the profit being almost certain, and the risk next to nothing. Will not the first ef fect of this be, an enhancing of the price of all foreign goods to the tradesman and farmer, who use or consume them? For the rate of insurance will increase, in proportion to the hazard of importing them; and in the same proportion will the price of those goods increase. If the price of the tradesman's work, and the farmer's produce, would increase equally with the price of foreign commodities, the damage would not be so great: but the direct contrary must happen. For the same hazard or rate of insurance, that raises the price of what is imported, must be deducted out of, and lower the price of what is exported. Without this addition and deduction, as long as the enemy cruize at our capes, and take those vessels that attempt to go out, as well as those that endeavour to come in, none can afford to trade, and business must be soon at a stand. And will not the consequences be, a discouragement of many of the vessels that used to come from other places to purchase our produce, and thereby a turning of the trade to ports that can be entered with less danger, and capable of furnishing them with the same commodities, as New York, &c. a lessening of business to every shopkeeper, together with multitudes of bad debts, the high rate of goods discouraging the buyers, and the low rates of their labour and produce render ing them unable to pay for what they had | riches to tempt a considerable force to unite bought; loss of employment to the tradesman, and attack you, but are under no ties or enand bad pay for what little he does; and last-gagements, to unite for your defence. Hence, ly, loss of many inhabitants, who will retire to other provinces not subject to the like inconveniences; whence a lowering of the value of lands, lots, and houses. on the first alarm, terror will spread over all; and as no man can with certainty depend that another will stand by him, beyond doubt very many will seek safety by a speedy flight. Those, that are reputed rich, will flee through fear of torture, to make them produce more than they are able. The man, that has a wife and children, will find them hanging on his neck, beseeching him with tears to quit the city, and save his life, to guide and protect them in that time of general desolation and ruin. All will run into confusion, amidst cries and lamentations, and the hurry and dis The enemy, no doubt, have been told, that the people of Pennsylvania are quakers, and against all defence, from a principle of conscience; this, though true of a part, and that a small part only of the inhabitants, is commonly said of the whole; and what may make it look probable to strangers is, that in fact, nothing is done by any part of the people towards their defence. But to refuse defending one's self, or one's country, is so unu-order of departers, carrying away their effects. sual a thing among mankind, that possibly they may not believe it, till by experience, they find they can come higher and higher up our river, seize our vessels, land and plunder our plantations and villages, and retire with their booty unmolested. Will not this confirm the report, and give them the greatest encouragement to strike one bold stroke for the city, and for the whole plunder of the river? It is said by some, that the expense of a vessel, to guard our trade, would be very heavy, greater than perhaps all the enemy can be supposed to take from us at sea would amount to; and that it would be cheaper for the government to open an insurance office, and pay all losses. But is this right reasoning? I think not; for what the enemy takes is clear loss to us, and gain to him; increasing his riches and strength, as much as it diminishes ours, so making the difference double; whereas the money, paid our own tradesmen for building and fitting out a vessel of defence, remains in the country, and circulates among us; what is paid to the officers and seamen, that navigate her, is also spent ashore, and soon gets into other hands; the farmer receives the money for her provisions, and on the whole nothing is clearly lost to the country but her wear and tear, or so much as she sells for at the end of the war less than her first cost. This loss, and a trifling one it is, is all the inconvenience; but how many and how great are the conveniences and advantages! and should the enemy, through our supineness and neglect to provide for the defence both of our trade and country, be encouraged to attempt this city, and after plundering us of our goods, either burn it, or put it * ransom, how great would that loss be! besides the confusion, terror, and distress, so many hundreds of families would be involved in! The thought of this latter circumstance so much affects me, that I cannot forbear expatiating somewhat more upon it. You have, my dear countrymen, and fellow-citizens, The few that remain will be unable to resist. Sacking the city will be the first, and burning it, in all probability, the last act of the enemy. This, I believe, will be the case, if you have timely notice. But what must be your condition, if suddenly surprised, without previous alarm, perhaps in the night! Confined to your houses, you will have nothing to trust to but the enemy's mercy. Your best fortune will be, to fall under the power of commanders of king's ships, able to control the mariners; and not into the hands of licentious privateers. Who can, without the utmost horror, conceive the miseries of the latter! when your persons, fortunes, wives, and daughters, shall be subject to the wanton and unbridled rage, rapine, and lust, of negroes, mulattoes, and others, the vilest and most abandoned of mankind.* A dreadful scene! which some may represent as exaggerated. I think it my duty to warn you: judge for yourselves. It is true, with very little notice, the rich may shift for themselves. The means of speedy flight are ready in their hands; and with some previous care to lodge money and effects in distant and secure places, though they should lose much, yet enough may be left them, and to spare. But most unhappily circumstanced indeed are we, the middling people, the tradesmen, shopkeepers, and farmers of the province and city! We cannot all fly with our families; and if we could, how shall we subsist? No; we and they, and what little we have gained by hard labour and industry, must bear the brunt: the weight of contributions, extorted by the enemy (as it is of taxes among ourselves) must be surely borne by us. Nor can it be avoided, as we * By accounts, the ragged crew of the Spanish privation, a little below Newcastle, was composed of such as teer that plundered Mr. Liston's, and another plantathese. The honour and humanity of their officers may be judged of, by the treatment they gave poor captain Brown, whom they took with Martin's ship in returning from their cruize. Because he bravely defended himself and vessel longer than they expected, for which every generous enemy would have esteemed him, did they, and murder him, though on his knees begging quarter. after he had struck and submitted, barbarously stab quest, and even threaten them in vain. The council have since twice remonstrated to them in vain. Their religious prepossessions are unchangeable, their obstinacy invincible. Is there then the least hope remaining, that from that quarter any thing should arise for our security! stand at present; for though we are nume- vain: for they have already been, by great rous, we are quite defenceless, having neither numbers of the people, petitioned in vain. forts, arms, union, nor discipline. And though Our late governor did for years solicit, reit were true, that our trade might be protected at no great expense, and our country and our city easily defended, if proper measures were but taken; yet, who shall take these measures? Who shall pay that expense? On whom may we fix our eyes with the least expectation, that they will do any thing for our security? Should we address that wealthy And is our prospect better, if we turn our and powerful body of people, who have ever eyes to the strength of the opposite party, since the war governed our elections, and those great and rich men, merchants, and filled almost every seat in our assembly; others, who are ever railing at quakers for should we entreat them to consider, if not as doing what their principles seem to require, friends, at least as legislators, that protection and what in charity we ought to believe they is as truly due from the government to the think their duty, but take no one step thempeople, as obedience from the people to the selves for the public safety. They have so government; and that if, on account of their much wealth and influence, if they would use religious scruples, they themselves could do it, that they might easily, by their endeavours no act for our defence, yet they might retire, and example, raise a military spirit among relinquish their power for a season, quit the us, make us fond, studious of, and expert in, helm to freer hands during the present tem- martial discipline, and effect every thing that pest, to hands, chosen by their own interest is necessary, under God, for our protection. too, whose prudence and moderation, with re- But envy seems to have taken possession of gard to them, they might safely confide in; their hearts, and to have eaten out and desecure, from their own native strength, of re-stroyed every generous, noble, public spiritsuming again their present station, whenever ed sentiment. Rage, at the disappointment it shall please them: should we remind them, of their little schemes for power, gnaws their that the public money, raised from all, belongs souls, and fills them with such cordial hatred to all; that since they have, for their own to their opponents, that every proposal, by the ease, and to secure themselves in the quiet execution of which those may receive benefit enjoyment of their religious principles (and as well as themselves, is rejected with indigmay they long enjoy them) expended such nation. What," say they," shall we lay large sums to oppose petitions, and engage out our money to protect the trade of quakers? favourable representations of their conduct, if Shall we fight to defend quakers? No; let they themselves could by no means be free to the trade perish, and the city burn; let what appropriate any part of the public money for will happen, we shall never lift a finger to preour defence; yet it would be no more than vent it." Yet the quakers have conscience to justice, to spare us a reasonable sum for that plead for their resolution not to fight, which purpose, which they might easily give to the these gentlemen have not. Conscience with king's use as heretofore, leaving all the ap- you, gentlemen, is on the other side of the propriation to others, who would faithfully ap-question: conscience enjoins it as a duty on ply it as we desired: should we tell them, that though the treasury be at present empty, it may soon be filled by the outstanding public debts collected, or at least credit might be had for such a sum, on a single vote of the assembly that though they themselves may be resigned and easy under this naked, defenceless state of the country, it is far otherwise with a very great part of the people; with us, who can have no confidence that God will protect those, that neglect the use of rational means for their security; nor have any reason to hope, that our losses, if we should suffer any, may be made by collections in our favour at home. Should we conjure them by all the ties of neighbourhood, friendship, justice, and humanity, to consider these things; and what distraction, misery, and confusion, what desolation and distress, may possibly be the effect of their unseasonable predominancy and perseverance; yet all would be in VOL. II.... 2D 18* : 66 on you (and indeed I think it such on every man) to defend your country, your friends, your aged parents, your wives, and helpless children: and yet you resolve not to perform this duty, but act contrary to your own consciences, because the quakers act according to theirs. Till of late, I could scarce believe the story of him, who refused to pump in a sinking ship, because one on board, whom he hated, would be saved by it as well as himself. But such, it seems, is the unhappiness of human nature, that our passions, when violent, often are too hard for the united force of reason, duty, and religion. Thus unfortunately are we circumstanced at this time, my dear countrymen and fellowcitizens; we, I mean, the middling people; the farmers, shopkeepers, and tradesmen of this city and country. Through the dissentions of our leaders, through mistaken principles of religion, joined with a love of worldly power, on the one hand; through pride, envy, third and fourth descent, that zeal for the and implacable resentment on the other; our public good, that military prowess, and that lives, our families, and little fortunes, dear to undaunted spirit, which has in every age disus as any great man's can be to him, are to tinguished their nation. What numbers have remain continually exposed to destruction, we likewise of those brave people, whose from an enterprising, cruel, now well-inform-fathers in the last age made so glorious a ed, and by success encouraged, enemy. It stand for our religion and liberties, when inseems as if Heaven, justly displeased at our vaded by a powerful French army, joined by growing wickedness, and determined to pu- Irish Catholics, under a bigoted popish king? nish* this once-favoured land, had suffered Let the memorable siege of Londonderry, and our chiefs to engage in these foolish and mis- the signal actions of the Iniskillinners, by chievous contentions, for little posts and pal- which the heart of that prince's schemes was try distinctions, that our hands might be broken, be perpetual testimonies of the courage bound up, our understandings darkened and and conduct of those noble warriors! Nor are misled, and every means of our security ne- there wanting amongst us, thousands of that glected. It seems as if our greatest men, our warlike nation, whose sons have ever since cives nobilissimit of both parties, had sworn the time of Cæsar maintained the character the ruin of the country, and invited the French, he gave their fathers, of joining the most obour most inveterate enemy, to destroy it. stinate courage to all the other military virWhere then shall we seek for succour and tues: I mean the brave and steady Germans. protection? The government we are imme- Numbers of whom have actually born arms in diately under denies it to us; and if the ene- the service of their respective princes; and my comes, we are far from Zidon, and there if they fought well for their tyrants and opis no deliverer near. Our case is danger-pressors, would they refuse to unite with us ously bad; but perhaps there is yet a remedy, if we have but the prudence and the spirit to apply it. in defence of their newly acquired and most precious liberty and property? Were this union formed, were we once united, thoroughIf this new flourishing city, and greatly im- ly armed and disciplined, was every thing in proving colony is destroyed and ruined, it our power done for our security, as far as huwill not be for want of numbers of inhabitants man means and foresight could provide, we able to bear arms in its defence. It is com- might then, with more propriety, humbly ask puted, that we have at least (exclusive of the the assistance of Heaven, and a blessing on our quakers) sixty thousand fighting men, ac- lawful endeavours. The very fame of our quainted with fire arms, many of them hunters strength and readiness would be a means of and marksmen, hardy and bold. All we want discouraging our enemies; for it is a wise is order, discipline, and a few cannon. At and true saying, that one sword often keeps present we are like the separate filaments of another in the scabbard. The way to secure flax before the thread is formed, without peace is to be prepared for war. They, that strength, because without connexion; but are on their guard, and appear ready to reUNION Would make us strong, and even form-ceive their adversaries, are in much less danidable, though the great should neither help nor join us; though they should even oppose our uniting, from some mean views of their own, yet, if we resolve upon it, and it pleases God to inspire us with the necessary prudence and vigour, it may be effected. Great numbers of our people are of British race, and though the fierce fighting animals of those happy islands are said to abate their native fire and intrepidity, when removed to a foreign clime, yet with the people it is not so; our neighbours of New England afford the world a convincing proof, that Britons, though a hundred years transplanted, and to the remotest part of the earth, may yet retain, even to the *When God determined to punish his chosen people, the inhabitants of Jerusalem, who though breakers of his other laws, were scrupulous observers of that ONE, which required keeping holy the Sabbath-day: he suffered even the strict observation of that command to be their ruin: for Pompey, observing that they then obstinately refused to fight, made a general assault on that day, took the town, and butchered them with as little mercy as he found resistance....JOSEPHUS. † Conjuravere cives nobilissimi patriam incendere; GALLORUM GENTEM, infestissimiam nomini Romano, ad bellum arcessunt.-CAT. IN. SALUST. ger of being attacked, than the supine, secure, and negligent. We have yet a winter before us, which may afford a good and almost sufficient opportunity for this, if we seize and improve it with a becoming vigour. And if the hints contained in this paper are so happy as to meet with a suitable disposition of mind in his countrymen, and fellow-citizens, the writer of it will in a few days lay before them a form of ASSOCIATION for the purposes herein mentioned, together with a practicable scheme for raising the money necessary for the defence of our trade, city, and country, without laying a burden on any man. May the God of wisdom, strength, and power, the Lord of the armies of Israel, inspire us with prudence in this time of danger, take away from us all the seeds of contention and division, and unite the hearts and counsels of all of us, of whatever sect or nation, in one bond of peace, brotherly love, and generous public spirit; may he give us strength and resolution to amend our lives, and remove from among us every thing that is displeasing to him; afford us his most gracious protection, confound the designs of our enemies, aud give peace in all our borders, is the sincere prayer of A TRADESMAN OF PHILADELPHIA. A comparison of the conduct of the Ancient though the natural and unavoidable effect of their change of situation, exclaimed against their leaders as the authors of their trouble: and were not only for returning into Egypt, but stoning their deliverers.* Those inclined to idolatry were displeased that their golden calf was destroyed. Many of the chiefs thought the new constitution might be injurious to their particular interests, that the profitable places would be engrossed by the families and friends of Moses and Aaron, and others, equally well born, excluded.t-In Josephus, and the Talmud, we learn some particulars, not so fully narrated in the Scripture. We are there told, "that Corah was ambitious of the priesthood, and offended that it was conferred on Aaron; and this, as he said, by the authority of Moses only, without the consent of the people. He accused Moses of having, by various artifices, fraudulently obtained the government, and deprived the peo A ZEALOUS advocate for the proposed federal constitution in a public assembly said, that "the repugnance of a great part of mankind to good government was such, that he believed, that if an angel from heaven was to bring down a constitution, formed there for our use, it would nevertheless meet with violent opposition." He was reproved for the supposed extravagance of the sentiment, and he did not justify it. Probably it might not have immediately occurred to him, that the experiment had been tried, and that the event was record-ple of their liberties, and of conspiring with ed in the most faithful of all histories, the Holy Bible; otherwise he might, as it seems to me, have supported his opinion by that unexceptionable authority. The Supreme Being had been pleased to nourish up a single family, by continued acts of his attentive providence, till it became a great people: and having rescued them from bondage by many miracles, performed by his servant Moses, he personally delivered to that chosen servant, in presence of the whole nation, a constitution and code of laws for their observance, accompanied and sanctioned with promises of great rewards, and threats of severe punishments, as the consequence of their obedience or disobedience. Aaron to perpetuate the tyranny in their family. Thus, though Korah's real motive was the supplanting of Aaron, he persuaded the people, that he meant only the public good; and they, moved by his insinuations, began to cry out, "Let us maintain the common liberty of our respective tribes, we have freed ourselves from all the slavery imposed upon us by the Egyptians, and shall we suffer ourselves to be made slaves by Moses? If we must have a master, it were better to return to Pharaoh, who at least fed us with bread and onions, than to serve this new tyrant, who, by his operations, has brought us into danger of famine." Then they called in question the reality of his conference with God, and objected to the privacy of the meetings, and the preventing any of the people from being present at the coloquies, or even approaching the place, as grounds of great suspicion. They accused Moses also of peculation, as embezzling part of the golden spoons and the silver chargers, that the princes had offered at the dedication of the altar, and the offer One would have thought, that the appoint-ings of gold by the common people, as well ment of men, who had distinguished themselves in procuring the liberty of their nation, and had hazarded their lives in openly opposing the will of a powerful monarch, who would have retained that nation in slavery, might have been an appointment acceptable to a grateful people; and that a constitution, framed for them by the Deity himself, might on that account have been secure of an universal welcome reception. Yet there were, in every one of the thirteen tribes, some discontented, restless spirits, who were continually exciting them to reject the proposed new government, and this from various motives. This constitution, though the Deity himself was to be at its head (and it is therefore called by political writers a theocracy) could not be carried into execution but by the means of his ministers; Aaron and his sons were therefore commissioned to be, with Moses, the first established ministry of the new go vernment. Many still retained an affection for Egypt, the land of their nativity, and these, whenever they felt any inconvenience or hardship, | as most of the poll tax ; and Aaron they accused of pocketing much of the gold of which he pretended to have made a molten calf. Besides peculation, they charged Moses with ambition; to gratify which passion, he had, they said, deceived the people, by promising to bring them to a land flowing with milk and honey; instead of doing which, he had brought them from such a land; and that he thought *Numbers, chap. xiv. ↑ Numbers, chap. xvi. ver. 3. "And they gathered themselves together against Moses and against Aaron, and said unto them, ye take too much upon you, seeing all the congregations are holy, every one of them,wherefore then lift ye up yourselves above the congregation." Numbers, chap. vii. Numbers, chap. iii; and Exodus, chap. xxx. |