would not be a stable one, or such as could be depended on: for if only one colony should, on any disgust withdraw itself, others might think it unjust and unequal that they, by continuing in the union, should be at the expense of defending a colony, which refused to bear its proportionable part, and would therefore one after another, withdraw, till the whole crumbled into its original parts. Therefore the commissioners came to another previous resolution, viz. That it was necessary the union should be established by act of parliament.

4. The Indian trade would be better regulated by the union of the whole than by the partial unions. And as Canada is chiefly supported by that trade, if it could be drawn into the hands of the English (as it might be if the Indians were supplied on moderate terms, and by honest traders appointed by and acting for the public) that alone would contribute greatly to the weakening of our enemies.

5. The establishing of new colonies westward on the Ohio and the lakes (a matter of considerable importance to the increase of They then proceeded to sketch out a plan British trade and power, to the breaking that of union, which they did in a plain and con- of the French, and to the protection and secucise manner, just sufficient to show their sen-rity of our present colonies,) would best be timents of the kind of union that would best carried on by a joint union. suit the circumstances of the colonies, be most agreeable to the people, and most effectually promote his majesty's service, and the general interest of the British empire. This was respectfully sent to the assemblies of the several colonies for their consideration, and to receive such alterations and improvements as they should think fit and necessary; after which it was proposed to be transmitted to England to be perfected, and the establishment of it there humbly solicited.

This was as much as the commissioners could do.*

II. Reasons against partial Unions. It was proposed by some of the commissioners, to form the colonies into two or three distinct unions; but for these reasons that proposal was dropped even by those that made it: viz.

1. In all cases where the strength of the whole was necessary to be used against the enemy, there would be the same difficulty in degree, to bring the several unions to unite together, as now the several colonies; and consequently the same delays on our part and advantage to the enemy.

2. Each union would separately be weaker than when joined by the whole, obliged to exert more force, be oppressed by the expense, and the enemy less deterred from attacking it.

6. It was also thought, that by the frequent meetings together of commissioners or representatives from all the colonies, the circumstances of the whole would be better known, and the good of the whole better provided for ; and that the colonies would by this connexion learn to consider themselves, not as so many independent states, but as members of the same body; and thence be more ready to afford assistance and support to each other, and to make diversions in favour even of the most distant, and to join cordially in any expedition for the benefit of all against the common enemy.

These were the principal reasons and motives for forming the plan of union as it stands. To which may be added this, that as the union of the

The remainder of this article was lost.

III. Plan of a proposed Union of the several Colonies of Massachusett's Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, for their mutual Defence and Security, and for extending the British Settlements in North America, with the Reasons and Motives for each Article of the Plan- -[as far as could be remem

bered.]

It is proposed-That humble application be 3. Where particular colonies have selfish made for an act of parliament of Great Britain, views, as New York with regard to Indian by virtue of which one general government trade and lands; or are less exposed, being said colonies, within and under which governmay be formed in America, including all the covered by others, as New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Maryland; or have parti-stitution, except in the particulars wherein a ment each colony may retain its present concular whims and prejudices against warlike measures in general, as Pennsylvania, where change may be directed by the said act, as the quakers predominate; such colonies would have more weight in a partial union, and be better able to oppose and obstruct the measures necessary for the general good, than where they are swallowed up in the general union.

hereafter follows.*

PRESIDENT-GENERAL, AND GRAND COUNCIL.

That the said general government be administered by a president-general, to be appointed and supported by the crown; and

*The reader may perceive, by the difference of the Italic and Roman type, which is the text of the plan, and which the reasons and motives mentioned in the title. They are thus printed for perspicuity and for convenience.

a grand council, to be chosen by the repre- | satisfaction, and that the colonies could not be sentatives of the people of the several colonies easy under such a power in governors, and met in their respective assemblies. such an infringement of what they take to be English liberty.

"If the governors and councils therefore were to have a share in the choice of any that are to conduct this general government, it should seem more proper that they choose the president-general. But this being an office of "That it is essential to English liberty, great trust and importance to the nation, it that the subject should not be taxed but by his was thought better to be filled by the imme. own consent, or the consent of his elected re-diate appointment of the crown. presentatives.

It was thought, that if the least colony was allowed two, and the others in proportion, the number would be very great, and the expense heavy; and that less than two would not be convenient, as a single person, being by any accident prevented appearing at the meeting, the colony he ought to appear for would not be represented. That as the choice was not immediately popular, they would be generally men of good abilities for business, and men of reputation for integrity; and that forty-eight such men might be a number sufficient.

But,

ton to Philadelphia and New York; and from Rhode Island to New York through the sound, in two or three days; and from New York to Philadelphia, by water and land, in two days, by stage boats and wheel carriages that set out every other day. The journey from Charleston to Philadelphia may likewise be facilitated by boats running up Chesapeake bay three hundred miles. But if the whole journey be performed on horseback, the most distant members (viz. the two from New Hampshire and from South Carolina) may probably render themselves at Philadelphia in fifteen or twenty days; the majority may be there in much less time.

NEW ELECTION.

That there shall be a new election of the members of the grand council every three years; and on the death or resignation of any member, his place should be supplied by sembly of the colony he represented. a new choice at the next sitting of the as

Some colonies have annual assemblies, some continue during a governor's pleasure; three years was thought a reasonable medium, as affording a new member time to improve himself in the business, and to act after such imquently enough, to change him, if he has misprovement; and yet giving opportunities, fre

behaved.

THREE YEARS.

though it was thought reasonable, that each PROPORTION OF MEMBERS AFTER THE FIRST colony should have a share in the representative body in some degree, according to the That after the first three years, when the proportion it contributed to the general trea- proportion of money arising out of each colosury: yet the proportion of wealth or power ny to the general treasury can be known, the of the colonies is not to be judged by the pro-number) of members to be chosen for each coportion here fixed; because it was at first agreed, that the greatest colony should not have more than seven members, nor the least less than two: and the setting these proportions between these two extremes was not nicely attended to, as it would find itself, after the first election from the sums brought into the treasury, as by a subsequent article.

PLACE OF FIRST MEETING.

-who shall meet for the first time at the city of Philadelphia in Pennsylvania, being called by the president-general as soon as conveniently may be after his appointment.

lony shall from time to time, in all ensuing elections, be regulated by that proportion (yet so as that the number to be chosen by any one province be not more than seven, nor less than two.)

By a subsequent article it is proposed, that the general council shall lay and levy such general duties, as to them may appear most equal and least burdensome, &c. Suppose, for instance, they lay a small duty or excise on some commodity imported into or made in the colonies, and pretty generally and equally used in all of them; as rum perhaps, or wine: the yearly produce of this duty or excise, if fairly collected, would be in some colonies

Philadelphia was named as being the nearer the centre of the colonies, where the commis-greater, in others, less, as the colonies are sioners would be well and cheaply accommodated. The high-roads, through the whole extent, are for the most part very good, in which forty or fifty miles a day may very well be and frequently are travelled. Great part of the way may likewise be gone by water. In summer time, the passages are frequently performed in a week from Charles

greater or smaller. When the collector's accounts are brought in, the proportions will appear; and from them its proposed to regulate the proportion of representatives to be chosen at the next general election, within the limits however of seven and two. These numbers may therefore vary in course of years, as the colonies may in the growth and

increase of people. And thus the quota of tax dent-general, if not provided against: and the from each colony would naturally vary with inconvenience and hardship would be greater its circumstances; thereby preventing all in the general government than in particular disputes and dissatisfaction about the just pro- colonies, in proportion to the distance the portions due from each; which might other members must be from home, during sittings, wise produce pernicious consequences, and and the long journies some of them must nedestroy the harmony and good agreement that cessarily take. ought to subsist between the several parts of the union.

general nature under a general direction; that so the good of the whole may be consulted and provided for.

INDIAN TRADE.

That they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating all Indian trade. Many quarrels and wars have arisen between the colonies and Indian nations, through the bad conduct of traders who cheat the Indians after making them drunk, &c. to the great expense of the colonies, both in blood and treasure. Particular colonies are so in

terested in the trade, as not to be willing to admit such a regulation as might be best for the whole; and therefore it was thought best under a general direction.

Purchases from the Indians, made by private persons, have been attended with many inconveniences. They have frequently interfered, and occasioned uncertainty of titles, many disputes and expensive law-suits, and hindered the settlement of the land so dis

puted. Then the Indians have been cheated by such private purchases, and discontent and wars have been the consequence. These would be prevented by public fair purchases. Several of the colony charters in America extend their bounds to the South Sea, which may be perhaps three or four thousand miles in length to one or two hundred miles in breadth. It is supposed they must in time be reduced to dimensions more convenient for the common purposes of government.*

* Baron Meseares, in his account of the Proceedings at Quebec, for obtaining an Assembly, says, "The vast enlargement of the province of Quebec, by adding to it a new territory that contains, according to lord Hillsborough's estimation of it, five hundred and eleven millions of acres (that is, more land than Spain, Italy, France, and Germany put together, and most of it good land) is a measure that would require an ample discussion."-The motives assigned by the act regulating the government of Quebec, are here quoted--" By the arrangements made by the royal proclamation, a very large extent of [outlying] country, within which there are several colonies and settlements of the subjects of France, who claimed to remain therein under the faith of the said treaty, was left without any provision being made for the administration of civil government therein i. e. a few Indian traders were a pretext for this appropriation of a tract of country, which, according to the minister's estimate, was more than thirteen times larger than England and Wales united, nearly one hundred and twenty-eight times larger than Jamaica, almost one eighth part of Europe, and considerably more than one thirty-eighth part of the whole habitable earth." Now all the inhabitants of the province of Quebec," says this act, "amounted at the conquest to above sixty-five thousand [only,] professing the religion of the church of Rome, and enjoying an esta blished form of constitution and system of laws."

Very little of the land in those grants is yet purchased of the Indians.

It is much cheaper to purchase of them, than to take and maintain the possession by force: for they are generally very reasonable in their demands for land;* and the expense of guarding a large frontier against their incursions is vastly great; because all must be guarded, and always guarded, as we know not where or when to expect them.†

NEW SETTLEMENTS.

That they make new settlements on such purchases, by granting lands in the king's name, reserving a quit-rent to the crown for the use of the general treasury.

It is supposed better that there should be one purchaser than many; and that the crown should be that purchaser, or the union in the name of the crown. By this means the bargains may be more easily made, the price not enhanced by numerous bidders, future disputes about private Indian purchases, and monopolies of vast tracts to particular persons (which are prejudicial to the settlement and peopling of the country) prevented; and the land being again granted in small tracts to the settlers, the quit-rents reserved may in time become a fund for support of government, for defence of the country, ease of taxes, &c.

Strong forts on the lakes, the Ohio, &c. may, at the same time they secure our present frontiers, serve to defend new colonies settled under their protection; and such colonies would also mutually defend and support such forts, and better secure the friendship of the far Indians.

A particular colony has scarce strength enough to extend itself by new settlements, at so great a distance from the old: but the joint force of the union might suddenly esta

*"Dr. Franklin (says Mr. Kalm the Swede,) and several other gentlemen, frequently told me, that a powerful Indian, who possessed Rhode Island, had sold it to the English for a pair of spectacles; it is large enough for a prince's domain, and makes a peculiar government at present." See Kalm's Travels into North America, Vol. I. p. 386, 387. "At the time when the Swedes first arrived, they bought land at a very inconsiderable price. For a piece of baize, or a pot full of brandy, or the like, they could get a piece of ground which at present would be worth more than 2907. sterling." Ib. vol. II. p. 118.-The truth is, that the Indians considered their lands as mere hunting manors, and not as farms.

To guard against the incursions of the Indians, a plan was sent over to America, it was said by authority, suggesting the expediency of clearing away the woods and bushes from a tract of land, a mile in breadth, and extending along the back of the colonies. Unfortunately, besides the large expense of the undertaking (which, if one acre cost 27. sterling, and six hundred and forty acres make a square mile, is 128,000 first cost for every hundred miles) it was forgotten, that the Indians, like other people, knew the difference between day and night, and that a mile of advance and another of retreat were nothing to the celerity of such an enemy. This plan, was the work of Tucker, dean of Gloucester, a conspicuous writer on American affairs, before and during the revolution.