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(Mr. Montague) fhewed me a small piece, is a fort of Bigio, which is foft, and of a nature different from the stone of which the lions of the Fontana Felice, and the fphinx of the villaBorghefa, are made, brought without foundation by Mr. Needham as monuments made of a ftone fimilar to that of the buft; the stone of thefe Egyptian monuments is extremely hard, and it is with difficulty it yields to the beft tempered tools."

With regard to the figure, abbé. Winkleman, than whom no one has greater skill in antique ftatues, particularly Egyptian, gives his opinion as follows:

"There are two epochas in the Egyptian art, and two different ftyles. The firft will come down probably to the conqueft of the Greeks, and the ftatues made to that time do not differ in their style one from the other; and, according to what Plato fays of them, thofe which were made in his time were in every thing like thofe, which were fupposed to have been made thoufands of years before. The fecond ephoca of the Egyptian art, is the ftyle, when the fculptors of that nation (freed from the rigorous laws of the ancient government, which obliged them in their ftatues to follow exactly the forms anciently established) began to adopt the manner of the Greeks under the Grecian government in Egypt. And this is plainly feen in many figures, as well in the features, as principally in the drapery; that is to fay, the Grecian manner mixed with the ancient Egyptian.

There is a third fort of figures, generally called Egyptian, which are nothing but imitations of the ancient Egyptian manner. These

were made by order of Adrian, and were all found in his city Tivoli; these are diftinguished from the rest by the flone, which is a Bigio Morato. The bust of Turin cannot be placed in any one of thefe three claffes of figures. For my part, I esteem it a modern impofture.

Mr. Needham further infinuates, that the variation between his plate and the characters on the bust, doth not effect their effence. In answer to this, Mr. Montague, acknowledging his ignorance, as well of the Chinese, as of the ancient Egyptian language, for his own part only remarks, that as both the Ĉhinefe and the ancient Egyptian are from the eaft, the length and pofition of lines may poffibly be equally effential to conftitute and determine the characters of both these languages, as to form the letters in the other Orientals; and in that cafe, the variation between Mr. Needham's plate and the characters on the buft, however small it may appear in fome, would be of the utmost confequence, and essential to the determination of the character. But Mr. Montague doth not reft the point here: having fhewn both Bartoli's letter and Needham's anfwer, to Monfignore Affemani, who is allowed far the greatest man we have in Oriental learning, that gentleman gave his opinion in these words:

"Having compared the characters engraved upon the known bust, which is in the Royal Museum at Turin, as well the copy printed by Mr. Needham, as that by Mr. Bartoli, antiquarian to his majesty the king of Sardinia, and not confining myself to give teftimony touching the difference between the copy and the original which appears to the

eye

Cange, in the end of his Gloff. med. & infin. græcitatis, and hy Montfaucon, in his Palaographia Graca, p. 286, 289, 376, where he treats of the Chryptographia Græca, and of magical figns, the which are equally found, but differently formed, by the Africans, Egyptians, and modern Orientals, as well on medals and ftones as in manuscripts."

eye, I fhall speak only as to the force and value of the characters. I fay, then, in the first place, that they do not correfpond in the leaft with the hieroglyphics or Egyptian writing, which is engraved on obelisks, fphinxes, or Egyptian ftatues. And, fecondly, I do affirm, they cannot be faid to be the fame with the Chinese characters; and that not only because one difcovers plainly the difference between the ancient Egyptian and the Chinese, as any one may comprehend by comparing the Egyptian infcriptions of the obelisks and ftatues with the characters which the Chinese have printed in lexicons and other volumes, a great quantity of which are preserved in the Vatican library and that of the Propaganda; but because the affirmative of the ancient and modern Chinese characters is purely ideal, and because that conformity is equally without foundation, and purely ideal, which is fuppofed between Mr. Needham's printed copy of the modern Chinese characters taken from the Chinefe lexicon in the Vatican, and those engraved upon the above-mentioned baft at Turin. Befides that, allowing, for a moment, though not granting, that the characters on the buft are in fome measure like thofe in the Chinese lexicon; one cannot, however, prove that they have the fame value which the Chinese put upon them in the lexicon. It remains then, that the above-mentioned characters of the bust of Turin are modern aftronomical figns, reprefenting generally either the feven planets, or the twelve figns of the Zodiac; the which figns, as alfo the aftrological, magical, chemical, and medicinal, are defigned from various MSS, by Monf. Du

Thus far Mr. Montague's letters. We fhall only add, that the antiquarians in France, unwilling to fuppofe that Mr. Needham intended to impofe on the learned world, imagine that his Chinese at Rome affixed a fenfe of his own to the characters, and that his translation is a mere invention. M. de Guignes carefully examined two Chinese dictionaries, without finding any refemblance in them to Mr. Needham's plate. These dictionaries are in fix volumes. The firft is entitled Choue-ven; the fecond Tehouen tou loui, both in the highest esteem in China, and intended only to explain the found and fignification of the ancient characters. The first, which was compiled in the first century of the chriftian æra, is confidered in China, as a book of the highest authenticity. It was compofed by a celebrated philofoper, called Hiu-chi, who lived about the time of the revival of learning in China, and applied himself to the decyphering of the ancient characters, which were at that time eagerly fought for. The French antiquarians rightly observe, that Mr. Needham, in order to make out his point, ought to have proved firft, that the characters on the bust were undoubted Egyptian; and, next, to have fhewn in his place, that they were conformable to those of the ancient Chinese.

We muft defire our readers to fufpend their judgment in regard to this controverfy, till further evidence shall appear. We are in formed, that feveral material papers have been published abroad on the fubject, which have not yet come to our hands...

The rife of Chivalry, and the origin of Jufts and Tournaments. Ex tracted from Letters on Chivalry and Romance.

Hivalry, properly fo called, and under the idea of a diftinct military order, conferred in the way of inveftiture, and accompanied with the folemnity of an oath and other ceremonies, as described in the old hiftorians and romancers, seems to have fprung immediately out of the Feudal Conftitution.

The first and most fenfible effect of this conftitution, was the erection of a great number of petty tyrannies. For the power given by it to the barons over their numerous vaffals was fo great, that they all were, in truth, a fort of abfolute fovereigns, at least with regard to one another. Hence, their mutual aims and interefts often interfering, the feudal state was, in a good degree, a state of war; and their cafles were fo many fortreffes, as well as palaces,

In this ftate of things all imaginable encouragement was to be given to the use of arms. And

this condition of the times gave rife to that military inftitution, which we know by the name of Chivalry. Further, military difcipline was not to be relaxed even in the intervals of peace. Hence the origin of

fufts and Tournaments, those images of war. Chivalry was the natural and even fober effect of the feudal policy.

The characteristics and genius of Chivalry.

This conjecture of the rife of chivalry, from the circumftances of the feudal government, accounts for the feveral characteristics of this fingular profeffion.

1. The paffion for arms; the fpirit of enterprife; the honour of knighthood; the rewards of valour. Ambition, intereft, glory, all concurred, under fuch circumftances, to produce these effects. When this turn was given to the thoughts and paffions of men, ufe and fashion would do the reft; and carry them to all the exceffes of military fanaticism.

One of the strangest circumstances in the old romances, and which looks moft like a mere extravagance, of the imagination, is that of the woman-warriors; yet in this representation they did but copy from the manners of the times.

2. Their romantic ideas of juftice; their paffion for adventures; their eagerness to run to the fuccour of the diftreffed; and the pride they took in redreffing wrongs, and removing grievances. The feudal ftate being a ftate of almoft perpetual violence, rapine, and plunder, it was unavoidable that numbers of the tenants or followers of one baron should be carried away by the followers of another and the intereft each had to protect his own, would of courfe introduce the point of honour in attempting, by all means, not only to retaliate on the enemy, but to

rescue

refcue the captive fufferers out of the hands of their oppreffors.

It would be meritorious, in the highest degree, to fly to their affif tance, when they knew where they were to be come: or to feek them out with diligence, when they did not. This laft fervice they called, Going in qneft of adventures. Which, at firit, no doubt, was confined to thofe of their own party, but afterwards, by the habit of acting on this principle, would be extended much farther. So that, in procefs of time, we find the knights-errant, as they were now properly tiled, wandering the world over in fearch of occafions on which to exercise their generous and difinterested valour.

3. The courtefy, affability, and gallantry, for which thefe adventurers were fo famous, are but the natural effects and confequences of their fituation.

For the caftles of the barons were, as I faid, the courts of thefe little fovereigns, as well as their fortreffes: the refort of their vaffals thither, in honour of their chiefs, and for their own proper fecurity, would make that civility and politenefs, which is feen in courts and infenfibly prevail there, a predominant part in the character of thefe

affemblies.

Further, the free commerce of the ladies, in thofe knots and circles of the Great, would operate fo far on the fturdieft knights as to give birth to the attentions of gallantry.

4. It only remains to account for that character of religion, which was fo deeply imprinted on the minds of all knights, and was effential to their inftitution.

Two reafons are affigned for this fingularity.

First, the fuperftition of the times, which was fo great, that no inftitution of a public nature could have found credit, that was not confecrated by churchmen, and closely interwoven with religion.

Secondly, the condition of the chriftian world; which had but juft recovered a breathing time from the brutal ravages of the Saracen armies. The remembrance of what they had lately fuffered from these enemies of the faith, made it natural and even neceffary to engage a new military order on the fide of religion.

And here by the way, the reafon appears why the Spaniards, of all the Europeans, were furtheft gone in every characterstic madness of true chivalry. Their fanaticifm in every way was especially inftigated and kept alive by the memory and neighbourhood of their old infidel invaders.

Such was the ftate of things in the western world, when the crufades to the holy land were fet on foot. Whence we see how well prepared the minds of men were for engaging in that enterprize.

The resemblance between the heroic Land Gothic manners.

There is a remarkable correfpondency between the manners of the old heroic times, as painted by their great romancer, Homer, and thofe which are reprefented to us in the books of modern knight-errantry. A fact, of which no good account can be given but by the affistance of another, not lefs certain, That the political ftate of Greece, in the earlier periods of its story, was fimi

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lar in many respects to that of Europe, as broken by the feudal fyftem into an infinite number of petty independent governments. Some obvious circumftances of agreement between the heroic and Gothic manners, may be worth putting down.

1. The military enthufiafm of the barons is but of a piece with the fanaticism of the heroes. Hence the fame particularity of defcription in the account of battles, wounds, deaths, in the Greek poet, as in the Gothic romancers. Hence that minute curiofity in the difplay of their dreffes, arms, accoutrements. The minds of all men, being occupied with warlike images and ideas, were much gratified by thefe details, which appear cold and unaffecting to modern readers.

We hear much of knights-errant encountering giants, and quelling favages, in books of chivalry.

Thefe giants were oppreffive feudal lords, and every lord was to be met with, like the giant, in his ftrong hold, or caftle. Their dependents of a lower form, who imitated the violence of their fuperiors, and had not their caftles, but their lurking places, were the favages of romance. The greater lord was called a giant, for his power; the lefs, a favage, for his brutality.

Another terror of the Gothic ages was, monfters, dragons, and ferpents. Thefe ftories were received in those days for feveral reafons: 1. From the vulgar belief of enchantments: 2. From their being reported on the faith of eaftern tradition, by the adventurers into the holy land: 3. In ftill later times, from the ftrange things told and believed, on the difcovery of the new world.

In all these respects, Greek antiquity refembles the Gothic. For what are Homer's Læftrigons, and Cyclops, but bands of lawless favages, with each of them a giant of enormous fize at their head? And what are the Grecian Bacchus, Hercules, aud Thefeus, but knightserrant, the exact counterparts of Sir Launcelot and Amadis de Gaule ?

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3. The oppreffions, which it was the glory of the knights to avenge, were frequently carried on, as we are told, by the charms and enchantments of women.

Thefe charms, we may fuppofe, are often metaphorical; as expreffing only the blandishments of the fex. Sometimes they are taken to be real; the ignorance of those ages acquiefcing in fuch conceits.

And are not thefe ftories matched by thofe of Calypfo and Circe, the enchantreffes of the Greek poet?

4. Robbery and piracy were honourable in both; fo far were they from reflecting any difcredit on the ancient or modern redressers of

wrongs.

What account can be given of this, but that, in the feudal times, and in the early days of Greece, when government was weak and unable to redress the frequent injuries of petty fovereigns, it would be glorious for private adventurers to undertake this work; and if they could accomplish it in no other way, to pay them in kind by downright plunder and rapine?

Bastardy was in credit with both. They were extremely watchful over the chastity of their own women; but fuch as they could feize upon in the enemy's quarter, were lawful prize. Or, if at any time they tranfgreffed in this fort at home, the fault was covered by an inge

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