and hearts were not bound to stretch like India-rubber, on Christmas Eve and in a snow storm!''

upon

The little old man in the patched green coat, seated in the chimneycorner of Nessford Holm, astonishes an ex-Lord of the Treasury and a President of the Board of Control by bold attacks ministerial foreign policy; hemming them one moment in the fastnesses of Affghanistan, driving them another in disorder across the mountains-flinging in their teeth the injuries (?) of the Ameers of Scinde, and the sufferings of the martyrs of Bokhara, from which they are only relieved by the arrival of Charley Ribston, upon whom the social and political cynicism of the nabob in disguise vents itself forth in concentrated bitterness.

We said, accidentally, "nabob in disguise," but how this disclosure takes place, how the old man restores farmer Welland to the Bush, humiliates Sir Richard, proves Charley to be the last of the Reveleys, and marries him to his loved Grace Welland, are mysteries only to be hinted at in order not to anticipate the Christmas fare of amusement held out by Mrs. Gore's clever story, a story which is at least not possessed of the great sin of the day, the extolling of the poor at the of the rich, but which, on the contrary, exalts the one to the level of the other, and practically illustrates that the Humble shall be raised, and the Proud humiliated.

expense

CIVILISATION.*

CIVILISATION, according to M. Guizot, is "a general hidden complex fact," so much so that a reviewer in the " Quarterly" asserts that he has never met with a person who could define what it is. Mr. Mackinnon regards civilisation also as a complex idea, the existence of which he establishes by announcing its elements, or requisites, to be information, moral principle (based on religious faith), facility of communication and amount of wealth. Information would appear to correspond to knowledge, but knowledge viewed in the light of instruction emanating from some real or imaginary superior point. The moral principle, based on faith, is admitted by all writers as an element of civilisation: it is essential to the subjection of the physical force of individuals and of society. Facility of communication is at once a cause and a sequence of civilisation; its history, as Montesquieu long ago pointed out, being that of commerce. Amount of wealth appears to be an original and new element of civilisation introduced by Mr. Mackinnon, who expounds the existence of three classes of society. An upper class, having an independent income of 3000l. a year, or more; a middle class, having from 150l. to 30007.; and a lower, who have their own labour, or from 30l. to 150l. a year. This is a very Anglican division of the national mind into pounds sterling. It does not even appear to be necessary to the exposition of the author's views, which, on the contrary, it helps to contract, as it causes him to limit the influence of public opinion to the middle class, the upper not being sufficiently numerous, whereas on all questions of public morality and social convenience, which constitute the great national safeguards, and therefore the main ele

History of Civilisation. By William Alexander Mackinnon, F.R.S., M.P. Vol. I. Longman & Co.

It

ments of social civilisation, the upper classes go hand in hand with the middle. Wealth, as an element of civilisation, ought only to be so considered in its influence upon society at large, and not upon individuals. is credible that a man may be very virtuous, very good, and very learned, possessed, indeed, of all the best and greatest attributes of civilisation, and yet be supremely poor; but if a nation is plunged into want the good may abound, but there will be few learned.

Having established then, knowledge, morality, intercommunication, and wealth, as the bases of civilisation, Mr. Mackinnon proceeds to announce, that public opinion and civilisation do not co-exist exactly in an equal proportion. That part of civilisation which he here alludes to as being independent of public opinion, being apparently that which is forced upon the public. Popular clamour is at the same time distinguished from public opinion as an emanation of ignorance, poverty, and fanaticism. Ignorance would have sufficed. Poverty is accidental, and if part of what is expended in punishment were devoted to instruction, even poverty and ignorance would not go always together. As to fanaticism, the passions of mankind are all alike, except that reason, knowledge and morality teach us to control them. Ignorance, is therefore, the cause of fanaticism, and popular clamour does not so much emanate from poverty itself, as from the condition of the poor, or the absence of civilisation among the lower classes. Hence it is that in this country, the elements of civilisation being widely diffused, popular clamour has little influence, or as Mr. Mackinnon prefers to express it, "Popular clamour has probably less influence in this country than in any other, owing to the strength of public opinion.' Such an expression is, however, somewhat objectionable, when it is considered that in politics, the elements not being fixed, as in science or morality, it is not certain where ignorance leaves off and knowledge begins; and hence public opinion is often looked upon in the pride of superior judgment as popular clamour, and when long disregarded positively becomes We have had frequent examples of this in the history of the domestic policy of this country.

So.

Again, prejudice, or pre-admitted opinions, constitute a perpetual barrier to civilisation among all classes of persons. It is so omnipotent in this country that it will not allow a minister to act by his own judgment, but he must follow that of his party. Mr. Mackinnon quotes Bacon as saying that the opinion of all men of information, divested of prejudice, on a given subject, is nearly the same. Now history has attested that the prejudices of information belong most to the upper classes, where they are thus as mischievous in opposing themselves to the comforts of the lower classes, as the ignorance of the latter is at all times dangerous to the welfare of society.

Quitting these elementary but essential topics, Mr. Mackinnon proceeds briefly to discuss civilisation in relation to different conditions of society, from which he advances to more enlarged views of the state of civilisation among the nations of antiquity, confining himself to Egypt, Greece, and Rome; chapters which are full of learning and interest, and which cannot be perused without benefit and advantage even to the least thoughtful.

Disregarding afterwards the great principle of the historian of civilisation in Europe and in France, that the history of civilisation is not fully developed in the history of any single state of Europe, but that the

elements of that history are to be found sometimes in England, sometimes in France, sometimes in Germany, sometimes in Spain, and he might have added in Italy, in Arabia during the middle ages, and in America in the present day, Mr. Mackinnon proceeds boldly and justifiably to discuss the history of English civilisation by itself, and the epochs of which he evidently considers to be the Norman Conquest, the Charter, the destruction of feudalism in the wars of the Roses, the Reformation, the rebellion, and the civil war, the restoration of Charles II. and abdication of James II., the accession of the Prince of Orange, the constitutional leaning of Queen Anne, and the support given to the constitution by the house of Brunswick. And so indeed it is, that out of apparently incompatible events, such as a rebellion and a restoration, good ultimately accrued to this country; and under Divine Providence (we say this advisedly, without merging the control of mind into an only moral government of Providence), apparent evils have been made to contribute to the power and prosperity of this great nation.

These preliminaries got over, Mr. Mackinnon's work increases still more in interest, as that interest becomes more individual and immediate. This portion of his subject is opened by a view of the present state of society as contrasted with that of the last century, which is followed by an extremely judicious summary of the relative position in this country of the monarchical power, the House of Lords and the House of Commons, and it is completed by a summary of the author's opinions upon the influence of civilisation on the lower classes, in which he advocates opinions unfavourable to the prospects of the poor, and which consequently will be looked upon by many as impugning the wisdom and goodness of moral government. It is difficult to conceive a more illogical conclusion than that Condorcet's generous hopes for the improvement of his species were at all militated against by the crimes of the French revolutionists. On the contrary, had the perfectibility which that able philosopher and good man so fondly anticipated been in existence, no crime would have sullied that revolution, or rather there would, as in later times, have been a change without a rebellion at all. It is also far more agreeable, and to the plurality of enlightened and philanthropic natures, much more indicative of a generous talent, to see it labouring in discovering means of support for an excessive population (however theoretical, as in Dr. Loudon's case, those means may be), than to labour in substantiating Malthusian doctrines, ever repulsive to the man of enlarged and generous sympathies.

It will be necessary, however, to wait for a second volume of this important work, which embraces subjects, the consideration of which are of such vital interest to the country, to form a correct opinion of the author's views and their application to existing institutions. It is probable, that changes which are actually taking place in this country will modify them considerably, in the meantime we can express our perfect agreement with Mr. Mackinnon in the highest generality which he announces," that in a civilised community the form of government and its liberal tendency ought to depend on the state of society, not the state of society on the form of government."

THE YOUNG BARONET.*

It would be unjust not to say that this strange history is cleverly and forcibly written. Many of the characters are well sketched; Factor Drurie and Mrs. McMarmalade, admirably so; and there is often breadth and strength of description, as in the brush of the smuggler, as well as high poetical taste and feeling dispersed here and there. It is curious, that George the Fourth is several times in this work referred to, as having said on his death-bed, " My God! this is death!" This recurrence to the same thing, attests the effect which it has had upon the author. The practical working of such an example, ought to be also to remind an author of the vast responsibility attendant upon disseminating unsound morality.

THE BRIDAL OF SALERNO.†

A ROMANCE in six cantos is a somewhat bold and novel attempt in recent poetical literature. Mr. Ellerton has adopted the measure of which Coleridge first exemplified the fitness for romantic narrative poetry in his "Christabel," and to which Scott subsequently gave so much perfection of rhythm and harmony.

EASTERN EUROPE AND THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS.‡

The

WE have often had to speak favourably of the writings of this anonymous and prolific author. His works upon the same theme, will soon, indeed, amount to about eight volumes, yet we truly agree with him, and the character of the times attests the fact, that a hundred volumes would scarcely suffice to make known to the British public all that it should know, about an empire covering one-half the continent of Europewhose action is so marked upon the present destiny-so inextricably interwoven with the future fate of so many neighbouring races. English are, however, a strange race of people, profoundly interested in the welfare of the humble African race, while that of several millions of prostrate Sclavonian tribes, a people essentially marked out from the rest of the world by habits of industry, and by an hereditary intelligence and usefulness, scarcely ever occurs to their thoughts. If a state of society so unparalleled as not to be readily believed, is exposed, the result is to merge the reprobation which ought to be felt against its rulers, into contempt of an unfortunate people. If on the other hand, the monstrous system which so profoundly demoralises and so cruelly oppresses our fellow-creatures in Eastern Europe, is dragged before the bar of public opinion, it is met by the cry

*The Young Baronet: a Novel. 3 vols. T. C. Newby.

†The Bridal of Salerno: a Romance in Six Cantos, with other Poems and Notes. By John Lodge Ellerton, M.A. Longman and Co.

Eastern Europe and the Emperor Nicholas. By the Author of "Revelations of Russia," "The White Slave," &c. 2 vols. T. C. Newby.

of Russo-phobia. It is not Russo-phobia, it is a simple question of the welfare of millions of human beings, and the author who brings his knowledge and abilities to the earnest task of awakening sympathy for the sun-burnt Servian, the toiling Slave, the tasked Russian serf, or the prostrate Pole, is labouring in a great and good cause, to which we heartily wish every possible success. The subject has so moved us, that no space remains to say of what the author's two last volumes consist. They treat of slavery in the Russian dominions, of the Russian rule in Poland, and, at considerable length, with interesting translations, of Sclavonic and Finnish literature. The third volume, which is not yet published, will treat of those very interesting tribes, the Sclavonic race in Turkey, Austria, and Prussia. We heartily recommend these volumes to all sober-minded and philanthropic readers, and all who have the welfare of the human race at large, at heart.

FOREST AND GAME LAW TALES.*

66

MISS MARTINEAU sets to work with her subject radically. The forest. laws of Canute are the earliest on our records; and the operation of those of the Norman kings ceased from the first session of the Long Parliament. The tales of this first volume refer to this remote period. We can scarcely imagine a more suggestive manner of treating the subject, and although game is undoubtedly, to a certain extent, property, still it is high time to consider seriously whether it is any longer so, when it roams out of that property and feeds on that of others. Merdhin,' ""The Manor and the Eyrie, ," "The Staunch and their Work," and " Old Landmarks and Old Laws," will form an excellent introduction to considerations of this class, to which they offer the safest and most philosophical guides by exposing their origin. The subsequent volumes are intended to expose, in like manner, the practical operation of the same laws, which evidently had their origin in barbarous and feudal times up to the present day. It is a most creditable task, and Miss Martineau has courageously and energetically engaged herself in its accomplishment.

THE CITIZEN OF PRAGUE.†

THE public is certainly much indebted to Mrs. Howitt for her industry in presenting them with the treasures of German literature. The "Citizen of Prague" is an historical novel of an ambitious cast, very complete and detailed, occupying a space equal to four ordinary volumes, and it has the advantage of presenting English readers with characters that are quite new to them, and which possess an intense degree of interest. There is not so much play of the domestic affections as in Miss Bremer's

Forest and Game-Law Tales. By Harriet Martineau. In Three Volumes Vol. I. Edward Moxon.

†The Citizen of Prague. Translated by Mary Howitt. 3 vols. Henry Colburn.