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bably been indebted for a portion of that renown with which their names are associated. We need not indicate how completely the circumstances of the world are changed. By means of a press, more or less free, knowledge has radiated to almost every point in the surface of society; objects regarded with a sort of undefinable veneration and awe, because viewed through the dim and magnifying medium of darkness and ignorance, have been presented to the mind's eye in their true and natural dimensions; imagination has lost nearly all its power, while reason has gained in proportion; the idol which men blindly and unquestioningly worshipped when placed in mystery and darkness, they now profanely scoff at when dragged into broad day; the reverence for antiquity has merged in the appetite for demonstration; and with the superstitions, men have abandoned a great portion of the creed of their forefathers.

Whenever a period of such illumination arrives, it is clearly no longer possible to govern men except through the medium of their reason, and by a constant reference to their interests and their rights. Governments and people must advance passibus æquis; the one must become the exponent of the opinions and sentiments of the other. The doctrines believed and promulgated in ages of ignorance, priestcraft, and slavery, can never be maintained or enforced in periods of knowledge, inquiry, and comparative freedom. Jupiter himself was ruled by opinion, and no government can long oppose it. Government without the people is a head without a body; and to carry the people along with it, it must, in general, adopt their principles, accommodate itself to their circumstances, promote their

interests, respect their rights, and fairly and fully represent their spirit. It is by this constant gravitation of the government to the people that revolutions are prevented, because they are rendered unnecessary; it is thus that, in an enlightened age, a truly national character can be maintained, and the moral, physical, and intellectual power of states consolidated. A government may remain stationary when the people are retrograding, but never when they are advancing: it must grow with their growth, and strengthen with their strength: if it partake not the general movement, it will soon either fall to pieces of itself, or be rudely shaken off as an incumbrance, as an odious and unimproveable remnant of the age of barbarism.

In an advancing period of society, when knowledge has been widely diffused, the love of liberty engendered, and the mass of thinking and intelligent beings prodigiously increased, the tendency to change, or, as some will have it, to revolution, is unquestionably great. But this tendency may not only be counteracted, but made to conspire to the strength, energy, and glory of states, when the interests and the opinions of the people are fairly represented, and allowed their proper weight in public affairs. Of the truth of this position, Great Britain and America are conclusive examples. But it is customary among those who cannot distinguish between a principle and the excesses to which the triumph. of that principle, after long and determined resistance, sometimes leads, to refer to the French Revolution as the great salient point, whence has proceeded the general stirring we now observe among the nations, and to dwell upon the monstrous iniquities to which it gave birth, as

so many warnings against any of the least concession to popular opinion and popular rights. We are not the persons to palliate, or extenuate, far less defend, the crimes with which bad men disgrace and injure the cause of liberty. But, we may ask, to what were these dreadful excesses, in a great measure, to be ascribed? Certainly, we think, to the folly and wickedness of a crazy, imbecile, superannuated despotism, which had, for ages, trampled up on the rights, privileges, and opinions of the people,-shut itself up, like the Anarch Old of Milton, in the midst of darkness,-excluded every ray of that light and intelli gence which were silently penetrat ing the remotest corners of the land, and endeavoured to rule, not only with the people, but against them. If in the frenzy of the time, and the delirium of success, the throne and the altar were overwhelmed in a common ruin, it was because the former had long forfeited all claim to the support of the nation, and because the latter had degenerated into an agent for the propagation of delusion, when the people had become too wise to be deceived. "Multorum autem odiis," says Cicero, "nullas opes posse obsistere, si antea fuit ignotum, nuper est cognitum. Nec vero hujus tyranni solum, quem armis oppressa pertulit civitas, interitus declarat, quantum odium hominum valeat ad pestem; sed reliquorum similes exitus tyrannorum."

The crimes perpetrated in the first paroxysm of this terrible fever, ought not, however, to blind us to the good which has been achieved, and which remains, and is daily experienced and acknowledged, while the

recollection of the price at which it was purchased is becoming fainter, and passing into the page of history as a salutary warning to after times. Now that the work of the revolution has been legitimated under the sway of the Bourbons, it would be as absurd to deny it, as to shut our eyes to the notorious truth, that the example of France, taken in conjunction with that of Britain and America, and aided in its operation by the mighty events which we have witnessed, has acted with incredible power on the public mind throughout Europe, and created that universal demand for representative governments, which is the grand feature of our time,-which is every day gaining fresh accessions of force, and reaping new triumphs, and which can no more be resisted by any confederacy, holy or unholy, of Sovereigns enamoured of feudal vassalage and unmixed despotism, than the course of the heavenly bodies, or the alternations of the tides. Partial reverses only prepare the way for ultimate and complete success. The effort which was easily crushed in Naples, among an ignorant, superstitious, and voluptuous race, every way unprepared either to conquer or to enjoy liberty, has already been triumphant in Greece, and will no doubt prove equally so in Spain and Portugal, notwithstanding the external dangers with which liberty is there menaced. Italy is well known to be ripe for change; Germany demands free governments in the fulfilment of the pledges given when she rose en masse against the falling dynasty of Napoleon; Poland has not yet forgotten the partition, or her glorious though unfortunate struggle for in

• De Off. II. 7.

dependence; and who knows but the spirit which now thrills in every vein and in every nerve among the more enlightened nations of Europe, may find its way beyond the Borysthenes and the Dwina into the tents of the Calmucs, and the steppes and forests of Scythia? Philosophers tell us that no degree of motion communicated to matter is ever lost. It is so with mind. Ancient prejudices and the interests of a few will never be able to make head against the spring-tide that is now flowing; and should these attempt a vain and foolish resistance, they will infallibly be swept away altogether when it reaches its maximum of velocity and power. Hume has said that despotism is the euthanasia of the British, and, by inference, of every free constitution, with a standing army, an immense revenue, and the powerful, though secret, influence which the Crown exercises by means of both: but he is mistaken. He lived in times of great political degeneracy and apathy, when public principle was scoff. ed at as the worst species of hypocrisy, and corruption was too general to entail disgrace; and reasoning from what he observed, and probably from what he wished, he made no account of the people, and could not foresee the great events by which, in our time, the public mind has been awaked and called into activity. The mass of physical, moral, and intellectual power is arrayed on the side which demands some amelioration of existing institutions, and some approximation in the maxims of Government to the opinions and circumstances of the people; and it would be more wonderful, than any of the wonders which our age has witnessed, were such a power to be baffled in its object.

The main danger to the existing governments of Europe, however,

arises not from what we have endea voured to describe as the spirit of age, but from a fruitless and unavailing resistance to that which cannot be successfully opposed. The current which no force can stem, may nevertheless be guided into a safe channel. Something must be conceded, that every thing may not be lost. The maxims of the sixteenth century must be abandoned. If, in the progress of events, a new power has risen up in the bosom of almost every state, it must be allowed some influence, some representation, some organ adapted to its peculiar nature and character. Wise men, by skilfully taking advantage of the course of events, may, in a certain sense, be said to govern it: but it too often happens that the maxims of state policy are grounded on narrow, prejudiced views, temporary, shuffling expedients, and inferior interests, to the exclusion of that liberal and comprehensive philosophy which has found it more difficult to penetrate the precincts of courts than to rescue a large portion of mankind from the spiritual thraldom of the Papal Hierarchy. Hence it is that we see the Sovereigns of Europe ostentatiously leaguing themselves against the light, knowledge and opinions of the age; promulgating doctrines, which are as obnoxious to the candid and impartial, as they are unquestionably hostile to the independence of states, and the sound principles of international law; organising themselves into a sort of royal police, to watch the progress of what has been denominated "liberal opinions ;" and announcing their intention to repress, by force of arms, every attempt, however moderate and rational, to expel the corruptions and abuses engendered during the lapse of ages, and to ameliorate and improve existing institutions. By

pursuing this strange line of conduct, the present period has, in some measure, become in politics, what that of the Reformation was in religion. Two principles as opposite as those of Manes, or the Zendavesta, have come into contact, and begun a struggle for the ascendancy. On the one hand, we have the spirit of feudalism, whose principle is, that whatever has received the sanction of time must be maintained and defended at every hazard; on the other, the spirit of the age, which can discover nothing in the antiquity of an abuse, but a stronger reason for its removal, and which calls for institutions in which the interests and opinions of the people shall have their due weight and influence. Such appears to us to be the true, though general description of the state of Europe at the present moment; and it is impossible for the real friends of the monarchical principle, among whom we class ourselves, to look forward to the probable result of the struggle, which seems now commencing, without apprehension and dismay for whichever principle prove ultimately victorious, the liberty and glory of states cannot fail to be endangered; while it requires not the spirit of prophecy to foretell the bloodshed and misery which timely and honest concession might have prevented. The war against France was from the first a war against the revolutionary principle; and the Sovereigns of Europe appear to have been misled, by its successful and glorious termination, into a belief of their own omnipotence against any effort of whatever kind on the part of the people. In coming to this conclusion, however, two very material circumstances have obviously escaped their consideration. The first of these is, that the present desire of the people to libe

ralize their institutions, and procure for themselves a degree of liberty independent of the will of the sovereign, however wise, virtuous, or enlightened, is as different from the frenzy with which the French Jacobins were seized, and which they were so eager to propagate, as a well-regulated government, like our own, in which the liberty of the subject and the prerogatives of the monarch are defined with equal precision and clearness, from the wildest and most frantic anarchy of the reign of terror. The second is, that to the cordial and enthusiastic co-operation of the people, whom the solemn and reiterated promises of more liberal institutions called forth en masse, and rendered invincible, these sovereigns were indebted for the overthrow of their formidable enemy, and for the triumph which they now seem to consider as a justification, not only for the violation of their pledges, but for denouncing a crusade against any nation that shall dare to cast off the fetters of the dark and barbarous ages, and to assert those rights and privileges which God and Nature have given to all mankind. How far, in this ill-omened struggle, the ultima ratio regum may prevail against that spirit which seems to have struck its roots so deep in the minds of the people, is one of those secrets which time alone can disclose: no enterprise, however, can surely be more to be deplored, than that in which victory or defeat will probably be attended with consequences nearly equally fatal.

Turning our attention from these very general remarks to our domestic concerns, matter is presented both for congratulation and regret. During the past year, our manufactures and commerce have been gradually improving; our industry and capital have assumed their natural ascen

dancy; wages have in consequence risen; and this, added to the unex ampled cheapness of provisions, has materially bettered the condition of a great portion of the working classes. But agriculture still continues depressed, although, for the last three years, the British growers of corn have enjoyed an exclusive monopoly of the home market. Various causes have been assigned for this unexampled distress; such as, the transition from war to peace, excessive taxation, superabundant produce, the alteration in the currency occa sioned by the resumption of cash payments, the defective state of the corn laws, &c.; but these will fall more appropriately to be considered in a subsequent chapter of this history.

Towards the latter part of the past year, Ireland became the scene both of famine and incessant outrage and disturbance, sometimes assuming the character of open insurrection: in short, crimes were perpetrated, and sufferings endured, at which humanity shudders. These subjects, however, will fall, more appropriately, to be discussed in the sequel of this history: we shall only, therefore, remark generally, that notwithstanding the agitation of the public mind, occasioned by the Queen's trial, and the very recent disturbances in some of the manufacturing districts, occasioned partly by the privations under which the operative classes had been long suffering, and partly by the mischievous acts of men ever ready to profit by any occasion which promises to be propititious to their seditious purposes, the general tranquillity of Great Britain continued undisturbed; a proof that, however, in a moment of distress, the people may be partially seduced from their duty, the general mind of the country is sound, and they are

duly sensible of the pre-eminent blessings they enjoy, and of the inestimable value of equal laws and a free government.

Having said thus much, we now proceed to the more immediate business of this chapter. Parliament met on Tuesday the 5th of February, when, after the usual ceremonies, his Majesty delivered the following speech to both Houses:

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I have the satisfaction of informing you, that I continue to receive from Foreign Powers the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country.

"It is impossible for me not to feel deeply interested in any event that may have a tendency to disturb the peace of Europe. My endeavours have therefore been directed, in conjunction with my allies, to the settlement of the differences which have unfortunately arisen between the Court of St Petersburgh and the Ottoman Porte, and I have reason to entertain hopes that these differences will be satisfactorily adjusted.

"In my late visit to Ireland, I derived the most sincere gratification from the loyalty and attachment manifested by all classes of my subjects. With this impression, it must be matter of the deepest concern to me that a spirit of outrage, which has led to daring and systematic violation of the law, has arisen and still prevails in some parts of that country.

"I am determined to use all the means in my power for the protection of the persons and property of my loyal and peaceable subjects; and it will be for your immediate consideration, whether the existing laws are sufficient for this purpose.

"Notwithstanding this serious interruption of public tranquillity, I have the satisfaction of believing that

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