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my presence in Ireland has been productive of very beneficial effects; and all descriptions of my people may confidently rely upon the just and equal administration of the laws, and upon my paternal solicitude for their welfare.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "It is very gratifying to me to be able to inform you, that during the last year the revenue has exceeded that of the preceding, and appears to be in a course of progressive improvement.

"I have directed the estimates of the current year to be laid before you. They have been framed with every attention to economy which the circumstances of the country will permit; and it will be satisfactory to you to learn, that I have been able to make a large reduction in our annual expenditure, particularly in our naval and military establish

ments.

"My Lords, and Gentlemen,

"I have the greatest pleasure in acquainting you, that a considerable improvement has taken place, in the course of the last year, in the commerce and manufactures of the United Kingdom, and that I can now state them to be, in their important branches, in a very flourishing condition.

"I must at the same time deeply regret the depressed state of the agricultural interest.

"The condition of an interest so essentially connected with the pros perity of the country will, of course, attract your early attention; and I have the fullest reliance on your wisdom in the consideration of this important subject.

"I am persuaded, that in whatever measures you may adopt, you will bear constantly in mind, that in the maintenance of our public credit all the best interests of this kingdom

are equally involved; and that it is by a steady adherence to that principle that we have attained, and can alone expect to preserve, our high station amongst the nations of the world."

The address, embracing, and as usual, re-echoing the topics alluded to in the speech from the throne, was moved, in the House of Lords, by the Earl of Roden, and in the House of Commons by Mr Robert Clive. It must indeed, his Lordship remarked, afford much satisfaction to learn, that foreign powers continued to maintain among them. selves, as well as with us, those amicable relations which had now subsisted for seven years; and which, after a long war, permit the taking advantage of a time of peace to cultivate those blessings which can alone be secured in a period of repose. But, notwithstanding the friendly relations which subsisted among the European powers, and the assurances of the friendly disposition of foreign powers towards this country, differences had arisen between the court of St Petersburgh and the Porte. Those differences, however, his Majesty had endeavoured, in conjunction with his allies, to reconcile. Hopes, it was stated, were entertained that they would be satisfactorily adjusted; and he was sure their Lordships would concur with him in wishing that those hopes might be speedily realized. But if, unfortunately, the endeavours to restore a good understanding between Russia and the Porte should not be successful, their Lordships would, perhaps, be of opinion, that the proper line of conduct for the British empire to observe, in the first instance, was, to keep clear of the dispute, and to look on the conflict as distant spectators. But, however advisable this course might be, a great

interest would unavoidably be excited by such a contest. For his own part, he was free to declare, that he could never look on a war between a Turkish government and a Christian power without feeling great anxiety for the result of the struggle. It was impossible to look on a Christian government, acting on Christian principles, and influenced by Christian motives, engaged in such a contest, without taking a strong interest in all the events that might occur. Whether the Russian government had, in the dispute, acted on those principles and motives, was a question on which their Lordships were not called upon to pronounce any opinion. All that he would propose was, that they should return their dutiful thanks to his Majesty for the exertions he had made to preserve tranquillity.

In alluding to that part of the speech which related to the revenue, it was with great pleasure he referred their Lordships to his Majesty's declaration, that, during the last year, there has been a considerable increase in the revenue, and that it appeared to be in a course of progressive improvement. His Majesty had also acquainted Parliament, that a considerable improvement had taken place in the manufactures and commerce of the country; and that they were, in many important branches, in a very prosperous state. This was a subject of congratulation in which their Lordships would be happy to concur with him. It was true that the depressed state of the agricultural interest was much to be regretted and deeply to be deplored. In the distress and difficulty produced by this depression, their Lordships were themselves, in common with all landed proprietors, involved. Into the state of this distress, Parliament, he was confident, would, with

out delay, institute a dispassionate inquiry, and he trusted the result would be, if not a total removal of the evil, at least a considerable mitigation.

His Majesty, in his gracious speech, had alluded to his visit to Ireland, and had been pleased to state, that he had derived the most sincere gratification from the loyalty and attachment manifested by all classes of his Irish subjects. Every one who knew the loyalty of Ireland must be sensible that such an occasion was calculated to call for its expression. His Majesty's visit, notwithstanding what had since occurred, had been and would be attended with most advantageous results. It had been the means of removing long-standing differences and heartburnings. Enmities which had existed for many years had been reconciled. His Majesty's parting advice to the Irish people, conveyed in a letter from Lord Sidmouth, had been followed by most beneficial effects. With regard to what had been stated from the throne on the condition of Ireland, he might be permitted to say, that in that part of the speech he felt himself more deeply interested than any other. But, attached as he was to the best interests of that country, in which a spirit of outrage, as his Majesty justly remarked, had led to daring and systematic violations of the law, still he was unwilling to enter at present into any details on the subject; and the more so, as an opportunity would probably soon arise of which he could with more propriety avail himself, to state his opinion of the nature and extent of the evils which afflicted Ireland, as well as of the remedies which, in his judgment, ought to be applied. It would, however, be in him a dereliction of duty, were he not to state the con

viction of his mind, that the great cause of these evils was non-residence. It was the great number of absentee landlords which formed the principal evil. Their absence broke those links which were necessary to preserve confidence between the different ranks and relations of society. Many possessing great property in that country remained strangers to it; and, whatever might be their rank and influence, they did not contribute by their presence to the welfare of Ireland. He would most earnestly entreat the absentee landlord to consider the cause to which he had alluded, and not to look with indifference on a country from which he derived so much benefit. Let him reflect on those scenes of outrage which, though his absence may not have caused, his presence might have prevented. The state of Ireland must, however, soon come under the consideration of Parliament as a whole. Among other questions which must then be entered into, would be that of the existing powers of the law, in order to ascertain how far those powers were fitted to meet the present exigency. He was sensible, however, that any cure of this kind which might be applied, could only be in its nature temporary, and that residence was the great means by which tranquillity was to be secured, and civilization promoted. He was therefore anxious that their Lordships should look to that as a permanent remedy. The Noble Earl concluded by moving an address, thanking his Majesty for his most gracious speech, and recapitulating its several topics.

The address being seconded by Lord Walsingham, who briefly recapitulated the topics dwelt upon by the noble mover, the Marquis of Lansdown rose, and stated that he was anxious to offer a few explana

tions as to the grounds of the vote he intended to give. He should not have thought it necessary to take that moment for making those explanations, but no other Noble Lord having presented himself to the House, he thought it proper now to state his view of the importance of the topics touched on in the speech from the throne,-topics, indeed, of the most distressing nature for this country, and which had forced themselves into special notice, notwithstanding the natural reluctance which those who framed the speech must have felt to bring them forward. Following nearly the order taken by the Noble Earl who had, with so much propriety, moved the address, the few observations which he had to make would be divided chiefly between the topics which related to the state of England and Ireland; and here he could not but remark upon the melancholy circumstance, that, although it was now twenty years since the union with Ireland was concluded, still it appeared necessary for persons, in discussing the interests of the United Kingdom, to consider those of Great Britain and Ireland separately, as two distinct parts; and this, too, at a time when to both countries there belonged one common feature of agricultural distress. Much as he rejoiced in the prosperity stated in the speech to be experienced by the manufactures and commerce of the country, he could not but consider the consolation thereby afforded to be greatly overbalanced by the distress in that branch of industry which formed the solid foundation of national wealth. He hoped he should not be regarded as undervaluing those sources of prosperity which his Majesty's speech stated to be in a flourishing condition, when he ob

served, that he chiefly estimated the advantages of that prosperity for its influence in vivifying agriculture. He wished their Lordships, before they came to the conclusion that this prosperity existed, to be sure that they reached that conclusion on a solid foundation. He did not mean to say that it did not exist; but when it was recollected that a great portion of the commercial prosperity alluded to arose out of a new trade to North and South America, it was of importance to inquire upon what footing that trade stood. It was obvious that the advantages of the trade must depend upon the nature of the speculations which had been entered into; and some time must elapse before the success of those speculations could be ascertained. But, be the result of the inquiry what it might, still he must place the chief value of this commercial prosperity in the influence it might have in stimulating to the cultivation of the soil, and in vivify. ing all the branches of agriculture. -With regard to the means of relief for the existing agricultural distress, he should be ready to listen to any measure which might be proposed; but he was happy to observe that the speech and the address directly pointed to the only course by which that object could with certainty be obtained. This was the first time since the peace, that in an address from the throne, a large reduction in the annual expenditure, to be produced by a diminution of the great establishments of the country, had been distinctly promised. To retrenchment of the expenditure their Lordships must look for any thing like real relief; and it was with great satisfaction he had heard, that on the present occasion something more than mere profession was meant. But, after the ex

perience he had acquired on this subject, he must beg to be allowed to see the extent of the retrench. ment, and the principle on which it was to proceed, before he could look with confidence to it as a means of relief. He must also observe, that when he should be called upon to exercise any species of gratitude for such retrenchment-which he believed he was not called upon to do by this address-he should think it is duty to remind those who made such a demand upon him, that it was much to be regretted that the economy now found to be so advantageous had not been practised before.

They were now told that a system of retrenchment would be advantageous, and that great economy was indispensable. This reminded him of an observation which had been made on a book written by a Noble Lord, once a member of that House. When Lord Lyttleton published his Dialogues of the Dead, Dr Johnson remarked, that his Lordship had only told the world, at the end of fifty years of his life, what the world had for fifty years been telling him. The reductions formerly proposed, had always been met with defiance, and positive declarations that no farther reductions could take place consistently with the public interest. During the last summer, therefore, some new light must have broken in upon ministers, which enabled them to see that reductions formerly deemed impracticable could now be effected. The address to the throne, at the end of the last session, had pledged ministers to measures of economy, and the new light of last summer had enabled them to carry them into execution. Though he thought them tardy, he rejoiced at last to see that their professions of economy had been followed by some result;

and he hoped that their measure had been applied so as to effect the intended object on a principle of impartial justice. With the principle on which it had been done, and the extent to which it had been carried, he must be acquainted, before he could pledge himself to an approbation of the proceedings alluded to, and of the speech from the throne. He would not now enter into the question, whether economy was the only source of relief that could be pointed out for the prevailing distress, or whether any other means of alleviating it could be applied; but if the paragraph in the address, holding out other hopes of relief, had a reference to a communication said to have been made within these twenty-four hours, by the Noble Lord at the head of the Treasury, to certain bankers, whom he consulted as to its tendency, he must protest against the opinion, that such a measure would be productive of any beneficial effect. He need not inform their Lordships that he alluded to a proposition, stated to have been made by the Noble Earl opposite, for issuing Exchequer bills to the amount of L. 5,000,000, to be advanced to the agricultural interest, through the medium of the country bankers. Their Lordships would consider whether relief could be found in offering to advance money, at a time when money was abundant and security rare. The great aggravation of the farmer's distress wás, that he could not find security; because if he produced good security, there was not a banker in England who would not ad vance him the money he required. If, on the other hand, the advance was intended as a free gift to the agriculturist, the effect of it, even on the Noble Earl's own principle, must be detrimental to the interests

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of the country, not excepting the agricultural itself. This, he thought, could not be denied by the Noble Earl himself, if he still believed that the farmer's distress arose from a superabundance of produce above the demand of the consumer. The application of four or five millions of additional capital, to increase an amount of produce already above the demand, seemed a strange mode of remedying the distresses of the grower. On the Noble Earl's principle, the remedy ought to consist in a diminution, and not in an increase of the capital applied to agriculture. He had stated thus much, not to withdraw their Lordships' attention from the subject of the agricultural distress, or to discourage all hopes of its alleviation, but to direct their efforts to the only real, certain, and expedient mode of relief-a reduction of the public expenditure. He came now to the second great topic in the speech of the Noble Earl who moved the address; namely, the state of Ireland. There were none of their Lordships who could refrain from experiencing the deepest feelings of pain and sorrow, on contemplating the scenes of outrage and violence which had occurred in some districts of that country; and all must look forward to the means of removing them with the greatest anxiety. And here he must observe, that he was most happy to express his approbation of the choice which Government had made of the individual whom they had de puted to superintend the administration of Ireland. A more wise or judicious selection could not have taken place. In the Marquis Wel lesley would be found, he was convinced, a firmness and vigour sufficient to repress existing disorders, and to restore speedy tranquillity; at the same time that he would dis

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