THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. 21 the sublime bar which has given you such justice, equity and M. Larroque divides his treatise into four parts. The first deals honor in this aggravated contention? Will you take the back with the necessity for such an institution as he advocates. Under track into the barbarism of brute force, and go back, or prepare tory of the first Napoleon, illustrating the utter cruelty and bruthis head he has cited some terrible facts, especially from the histo go back, to the arbitrament of the sword, to settle a difficulty tality of war; and, as a reason for devising some means for estabwhich may hereafter arise between you and any other nation?" lishing friendly and pacific conventions between nations, he What said what did the Government in answer to these rea- makes the following very striking remark: sonable questions? Read its reply in these sarcastic figures: effect of animating the hatred of the vanquished, and a desire All conventions imposed by force have hitherto only had the For the first two years after the Geneva award, $145,825,977 to be revenged as soon as they believe themselves capable of for preparations for sword-arbitration! Just fathom that re- doing so. Treaties sealed by the sword have been successponse to Geneva; compare it with something you can measure sively torn by the sword; they have only served to cover resentments which have waited the favorable moment to break distinctly. The whole military and naval expenditure of the loose afresh, a people never becoming the sincere friend of a United States in the five years from 1812 to 1816 inclusively, neighbor by whom they have been violently humiliated and embracing the whole of the last war with Great Britain, was diminished. We have only to pass in review, by way of example. $114,851,420. Just think of it! Let the shoulder-peeled and the numerous treaties which have pretended to establish the tax-burdened sons of toil, from ocean to ocean, think of it, and peace of Europe from those of Westphalia, in 1648, and of the Pyrenees,in 1659, to the treaties of Amiens,in 1802, and of Paris, constrain the men who represent them in Congress to think of in 1814, to be convinced of this sad truth, that they have only it. Read these figures, and digest their meaning. Since the brought a temporary and deceitful truce to the calamities of war. verdict at Geneva, while the civilized world was looking to It is by other means, therefore, that we must arrive at the obthat great decision with hope and glad expectation, this Reject of maintaining genuine concord between the populations composing the different political states in Europe, and who, in public, that won the award, spent in preparation to carry its spite of all the infinite varieties of their national character, are future contentions to the decision of the sword, nearly $146,- only diverse members of the same family. 000,000 in two years of peace, or $30,000,000 more than it did on its army and navy in nearly four years of war with Great Britain! 66 a profound repulsion for those materialist doctrines, at present in favor with so many writers, and that precisely because the fatalism to which for all logical minds they necessarily lead, is that which is most opposed to the interests of the liberal cause, and by consequence the most favorable to all kinds of tyranny." The second part of M. Larroque's work is devoted to the subject, Of the Creation of a Code of International Law. Under this head he does not profess to enter into details, but contents himself with lay ing down certain "fundamental principles" Shall the back of the sword devour forever? What say the which he thinks ought to preside over the preparation of such Washington powers to this question? Read their answer in a code. These are the abolition of standing armies; the absolute condemnation of slavery, and perhaps also of capital these figures, more truthful far than their words. For military punishments; the suppression of passports, and all obstacles to and naval establishments during the last fiscal year, $62,618,- free intercourse; unity of weights, measures, moneys, postal 272, against $47,790,912 for the same "services" during the and telegraphic services, and conventions for the protection of and three years ending with 1853, an increase of over three hun-literary, scientific and artistic property; perfect free trade; entire religious liberty. In advocating the latter principle, M. dred per cent. But now the great year, 1876, has come. Now Larroque is careful to say, that this does not arise from any we have come to a new point of departure, many think and disposition of mind hostile to true piety. "I feel," he says, believe, from which we may look off upon the bright vista of a new century. A new departure! From what? From the devouring back of the sword? What say the powers that be at Washington to that hope and faith? Read their programme for the new century. Their figures will not lie, if their words deceive. This is their estimate for the first fiscal year. Does it look like hopeful progress toward the Millennium? For military and naval establishments, including fortifications, arse nals, navy-yards, etc., in round numbers, $61,000,000. Do you, tax-burdened, labor-lacking, bread-lacking men, ask these powers, "Shall the back of the sword devour forever?" Read their answer in these figures. If they cannot give you bread, or the means of earning it, they will give you a stone at your own expense. They will give your children after you great stone elephants for their comfort, or vast fortresses of granite, and navy-yards, and arsenals for them to support with the sweat of their brows. Have you voices, individual and collec-gible; and in preference to meeting in any large capital he tive; have you eyes, to see this programme of a new century; have you hearts brave enough to resist it?-then say stoutly to the powers that be, but not for long, "The back of the sword shall not devour forever." The third chapter of M. Larroque treats of The Establishment of a High Tribunal, or Court of Nations, to decide the differences that may arise between the states who may have agreed to confederate for that purpose. Without laying down rules in a dogmatic spirit, he is of opinion that such a Tribunal should consist of a small number, one judge from each state, to be nominated by its Parliament. He argues with considerable force in favor of this equality of representation in the Tribunal, in preference to giving to each state a number of judges, according to its population. He would have these judges unpaid, except by the veneration and gratitude of nations, unless, indeed, in very special circumstances for which he provides. He would have the Tribunal "renewable by fractions," that is a certain number retire at a given time, but all to be re-eli All the nations joining in establishing the Tribunal to take would recommend some peaceable city like Geneva or Lausanne. beforehand the double engagement-first, to abide loyally by the decisions of the judges, and secondly, to regard as a declared enemy each and every one of those who refuse to submit to those decisions and have recourse to war. Any nation so acting would be declared by the Tribunal to have failed in its engageM. LARROQUE ON INTERNATIONAL LAW ments, and after an interval of delay, to give space for repentAND A COURT OF NATIONS. ance, if it still continues delinquent, the Tribunal will proclaim that such a nation, faithless to its promise, is expelled The name of M. Larroque has long been familiar to our from the Confederation. From that moment all relations readers as the author of very able work, "On War and between that nation and the other members of the Confedera Standing Armaments," which has become an authority every- tion shall cease. But if the recalcitrant nation should take a where on the subject of which it treats. He has lately placed decidedly hostile attitude, and threaten to carry war to the the friends of peace under additional obligations, by the publi- territory of the Confederation, then the Tribunal shall order cation of a volume on the topic indicated at the head of this article. I that it be resisted by the common force. Here there is a con siderable digression to discuss the lawfulness of defensive war, and to contest the views of M. Emile de Laveleye, who, in his work on "The Causes of War in Europe, and on Arbitration," argues against the use of military force by a High Court for the execution of its decrees. Then our author proceeds at considerable length to maintain that a republican government among the Confederate States would be far more favorable, if not absolutely necessary, to the establishment and successful working of such a Tribunal. In the fourth section of his work, M. Larroque examines and refutes an objection raised by some, that to banish war would be depriving the life of nations of its most poetic and picturesque attributes, and ends with an exhortation to the friends of peace to give a thoroughly pacific character to the education of their children. We have thus given a pretty full summary of M. Larroque's work, and without pretending to discuss the various points raised, about which there might be considerable difference of opinion, even among the friends of peace, we can commend it to the attention of our readers as a careful and conscientious study of the question by an able man, who has devoted years of consideration to the subject, and who is thoroughly in earnest in his advocacy of peace. M. Larroque is a retired scholar, living, we presume, very much in seclusion from the world, and perhaps he is apt to be a little too cynical and intolerant with his fellow-laborers, who are pursuing the same object as himself amid the conflicting elements of actual practical life. But we always hail him as a brave comrade in the sacred war against war, in which we are engaged, and believe him to be one of the truest friends of the cause of peace now living.-Herald of Peace. THE LATE REV. J. B. MILES. Resolution passed by the Executive Council of the Association for the reform and codification of the law of nations, at meeting held at Law Courts Chambers, Chancery Lane, London, on the 17th of January, 1876: [COPY.] The Council of this Association, lamenting the serious loss they have sustained since their last meeting, through the death of the Secretary General of the Association, Dr. James B. Miles, and desiring to place on special record their deep sense and grateful remembrance of the earnest and intelligent zeal with which Dr. Miles contributed to found the Association, of the unremitting industry with which he advanced its cause in widely separated countries, and of the tact and amiability of character by which he so conspicuously succeeded in gaining adherents to the movement, request the Secretary to communicate to Dr. Miles' widow and family this expression of their heartfelt sympathy with them under their sudden and severe bereavement. (Signed) TRAVERS TWISS, Vice-President. abilities, joined by the joviality and amenity of his character that brightened his smiling face, all this will ever be present to our memory, and, remembering Mr. Miles, will be one of the most charming remembrances of our lives. Religion, and religion alone, will give consolation to your bleeding heart. and to that of your dear children who in early youth have been bereft of such a father. The mind of the dear defunct be amongst you all in the further length of your days, and may excite your children to enter into the steps of their father and to promote always and everywhere charity and peace. The Central Committee of the Peace League, in expressing those feelings of regret and condolence, take the liberty to demand of you a photograph, which retraces us with fidelity the image of him who established the Association, to be deposited in its archives as a lively remembrance of the happy days enjoyed with him in September last at the Hague. We remain, dear madam, yours, very sincerely, (Signed) G. BELINFANTE. To Madam Miles, Boston. THE INDIAN QUESTION. A bill has been presented in Congress for the removal of the Indian Bureau from the Interior to the War Department. The idea is by no means new, having been often and thoroughly discussed, both in official reports and in the columns of the press. As this removal is likely to be urged with much vigor at the session just commenced, we hereby enter our hearty protest against it, and for the following reasons: 1. If this transfer be made, the whole plan of civilizing and Christianizing the Indian must be given up. Troops stationed among these tribes represent the power and force of government; not its civilizing influence. It is no work of theirs to educate and elevate; they are there only to restrain. 2. There is no need of the proposed change. At fivesixths of the Indian agencies no soldier is ever seen or needed; at the other agencies he is only wanted to sustain the agent. 3. The moral elevation of the Indian is now progressing denomination, Protestant and Catholic, has a share in this more rapidly than ever before in our national history. Every work. It is no time to change, when the experiment is going on so successfully. 4. The presence of large bodies of soldiery among uncivilized men and women, massed together around forts and tents, always leads to scenes of lewdness and debauchery. Experi ence shows that the Indian, unaccustomed to the presence of the white man, is more easily taught and more readily converted than when accustomed to contact with border civilization or to the presence of an army. 5. While the Christian considers the question in its moral bearings, the statesman will also look at its economical aspect. This change will require large expenditures. Troops can only be maintained in these distant forts by very heavy charges The earnest Secretary of the Dutch Peace Society, G. Bel- for transportation, forage, etc. infante, writes the following: [COPY.] THE HAGUE, 16 Jan., 1876. Madam: The Central Committee of the General League of Peace in the Netherlands, having seen confirmed by the January number of the Herald of Peace the decease of your dear consort, the Rev. James Miles, consider it a painful duty to express you its intimate feelings of condolence at this immense and unforeseen loss. Unforeseen, indeed, as we were but a few months ago so happy to have Mr. Miles amongst us, that noble-minded man, who by the most charming qualities won all hearts and who will never be forgotten by any one who has had the favor to make his acquaintance. How could it, then, be expected that he should be snatched away so suddenly from his family that he so extremely cherished, from his country that was so justly proud of him, and from the cause of peace to which he consecrated himself with all the ardor of his soul. The friends of peace, also, in the Netherlands, will surely never forget him. The personal friendly relations in which we were engaged with him, his sympathizing heart, his great 6. By the construction of recent railways and by the use of the telegraph, we can throw large masses of soldiery wherever any disturbance is threatened. The Indians are now all quiet except a few Sioux in Montana, and Apaches in New Mexico. One body of troops, stationed on the line of the Pacific Railway, can always strike where needed. The presence of troops elsewhere is more likely to cause war than to keep it back. 7. In 1868 this whole subject was most thoroughly discussed by an able commission, of which Gen. Sherman, now at the head of the army, Gen. Harney, who has fought Indians all his life, Gen. Terry, and other military men, were members. The sympathies of these gentlemen are wholly with the army. Yet the conclusion to which they came shall also be the conclusion of our remarks. "This brings us to consider the much-mooted question whether the Indian Bureau should belong to the civil or military department of government. To determine this properly, we must first know what is to be the future treatment of the Indians. If we intend to have war with them, the Bureau should go to the Secretary of War. If we intend to have THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. the Bureau will be to educate and instruct in the peaceful arts, in other words, to civilize the Indians. The military arm of the government is not the most admirably adapted to discharge duties of this character. We have the highest possible appreciation of the officers of the army, and fully recognize their proverbial integrity and honor; but we are satisfied that not one in a thousand would like to teach Indian children to read and write, or Indian men to sow and reap. These are emphatically civil, and not military occupations.' 23 peace, it should be in the civil department. In our judgment examples, the development of agriculture, manufactures, minsuch wars are wholly unnecessary. The chief duties of ing, commerce, constructive mechanics and engineering, the destructive weapons of war, the more welcome instruments of peace, the perfected steam engine, the far-reaching railway with the imperial locomotive which devours distance, the stately steamship, the rapid printing press which throws open the gates of knowledge to the millions every day, the mowers and reapers and harvesters and myriad helps to the agriculturist, the mighty machine shops that infinitely multiply the power of human hands and human brains, the sewing machines, chloroform and ether, the multitudinous tools and implements, the wide diffusion of the conveniences, comforts, and even luxuries of life to hundreds of millions who knew them not a hundred years ago, the almost universal cheap mails and postage, the electric telegraph which has brought nearly all civilized people, however remote from each other, within speaking distance, the developments of the solar spectrum, the great march of geology, of chemistry, of electricity, of magnetism, of astronomy, of the curative arts, of medicine and surgery, and of all the physical sciences; and of all the intellectual sciences; and more than all these, the tremendous progress accomplished in the amelioration founding and building up of governments on just principles, of the social condition of the people of civilized nations, the and the recognition of the political equality of all men.” LORD DERBY'S UTTERANCES. Mr. Pollard has collected some of the noteworthy utterances of Earl Derby, in favor of Peace and Arbritration, and forwarded them to the Huddersfield Examiner, as follows: On one occasion, Lord Derby is reported to have said that, "in his judgment, ninety-nine out of every hundred cases of international disputes could be settled by amicable reference, and that a foreign minister of any country would find it of incalculable advantage, when any difficulty arose threatening supreme court of appeal; " and he added with emphasis, "one great advantage of such an arrangement would be that it would give time." war, to be able to refer to a settled international law and a On another occasion Lord Derby used the following striking words: "We ought to place our point of honor, not in our readiness, hastily, and impetuously to resent any real or imaginary wrong, but rather in a willingness to submit to the dispassionate arbitration of some competent tribunal those claims which we think we may have upon others, and which others think they have upon us." At another time Lord Derby spoke thus: "Arbitration is simply this: No individual or nation is a competent judge in its own cause; and if we want a fair and impartial judgment, we must go to some one who is wholly unconnected with the transaction." 66 Again, Lord Derby once addressed the members of the Peace Society in the following words : "In regard to the general question as to the foreign policy of this country, there had been a great change of late years, and he thought that he could congratulate the members of the Peace Society that their principles were becoming more popular. It is now known throughout Europe-much as other nations may have been puzzled by it, it is acknowledged as a fact that the policy of England is a policy of peace. Unfortunately," said his lordship, this is not the case generally. Never, perhaps, was there a period when armaments were so large, and the rumors of war so frequent; but this cannot last always. Out of this state of confusion and transition there must of necessity come a better state of things. There are financial, among other reasons, why this cannot go on much longer, since military expenditure must have nearly reached its limit; and then there will come a period of comparative disarmament, and, let us hope, of general peace. And then," continued his lordship, addressing members of the Peace Society," you, gentlemen, will have the satisfaction of knowing that the ideas and principles you have been propagating will have had much to do in bringing to pass that better condition of things."-Herald of Peace A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. In the following fitly chosen words the Philadelphia Public Ledger pays tribute to the century of human progress which closes with the by-gone year : "In all respects the century just closed was the grandest hundred years cycle in all human affairs, apart from those sacred events which pertain to religion. With perhaps a single exception of classic arts, which culminated two thousand years ago, there has been a majestic onward sweep of progress, such as no decade of centuries ever saw before. It would take a volume to catalogue the multitude of subjects that might be enumerated in illustration of that thesis, and, of course, no such attempt can be made in brief space. But we may mention as THE HOME OF DANIEL WEBSTER. The secluded country home and ocean-bordered farm of the late Daniel Webster, at Marshfield, presents to the wayfarer along the south shore not the least among the attractions of the old colony. The beauty and quietude of the place, and its natural features, are elements in its character apart from its associations with the great statesman, that may well tempt the pilgrim to turn his steps and wander through the grounds. The estate, as is generally known, under its former possession extended to the ocean, and comprised about fifteen hundred acres of land, including the present little sea-shore hamlets of Green Harbor and Brant Rock, but is now reduced to about its original limits of three or four hundred acres, as at the time of purchase by Webster. The house is situated about two miles from the sea, and is not in sight of it. The mansion house is a typical American homestead, very extensive, with an air of comfort and convenience, and, in some way, impresses one as the abode of past greatness. Sufficiently ornate to satisfy good taste, it has an unpretentious grandeur that accords well with the spot. Though occupied as a private residence, and not open for public inspection, still the writer and friend were most politely received and shown the principal rooms by the excellent lady of the house. The first room visited was the library, which is the finest and naturally the most interesting apartment. It is situated in one of the wings of the house, and was designed by Julia, the daughter of Webster, especially for credit to her taste and skill. It is left nearly as it was at her father's use, and in its plan and arrangement does great Webster's death. The great, massive writing table, the favother days, and vividly recall the great life with which they orite chair, the pictures and ornaments remain, mementos of were so intimately associated. Most of the books have been removed from the cases for sale; but their places are supplied with articles of vertu and ornaments of great variety and value, the collections of a life-time. The high vaulted walls are adorned with pictures and busts, many of the former being family portraits, the most conspicuous being one of Webster, by Healy, painted at the time of the signing of the Ashburton treaty, and another of Major Edward Webster. Other rooms, the music room, the dining and morning rooms, the star chamber, and Webster's own room, in which he died, were the particular features and souvenirs pointed out. They are all preserved in appearance as when the household lost its master, and the nation its greatest intellect. In the dining room many pictures of favorite cattle, drawn from life, hang on the walls, while in others miniatures of grand-children and sketches of Webster in rude home garb and white hat attract the eye. From the window of the morning room, looking out upon the great elm, the final farewell was taken, two or three days before his death, of the herd of cattle, one hundred and fifty in number, driven up for their owner's last view. He appeared to have a strong attachment for his cattle, and would talk to them and fondle them as though they were intelligent beings. The rooms have that home-like aspect in keeping with the character of one "to the manor born," who has sought relief from the cares of state and life, and ever yearned for the peace and pleasures of a beloved New England home in which he was reared. THE RELIGION OF JUSTICE. President Lincoln said: "I have found difficulty in giving my assent, without mental reservation, to the long, complicated statements of Christian doctrine which characterize their articles of faith. When any church will inscribe over its altar, as its sole qualification of membership, the Saviour's condensed statement of the substance of both law and gospel, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and thy neighbor as thyself,' that church will I join, with all my heart and all my soul." The aggregate number of sermons annually preached by the sixty thousand clergymen of the United States, is about three millions. Were one-half of this vast number devoted to illustrating and enforcing the principles of the religion of justice as based on the golden rule, it would not be long before a state of society would be inaugurated on the earth, where the battle for bread, and the strifes and antagonisms and disorders that now reign would cease, and the kingdom of peace begin. vest that invariably follows the extraordinary opportunities for speculative fortunes during war. The nobility of England has made startling contributions to the statistics of crime. But all this affords little relief to the chagrin and shame we all feel as a nation, to find the lowest species of crime, in exaggerated forms, ainong the honored names of our rulers, and in the highest families, socially, in the land. One of the most hopeful elements in our national life, is the unqualified, unhesitating, unapologetic rebuke, and universal expression of mortification, which have followed this great national exposure throughout the land.-Zion's Herald. LETTER ON THE CENTENNIAL. PHILADELPHIA, 2d мo. 12, 1876. H. C. Dunham, Secretary American Peace Society, Boston. Without justice, there can be no religion; without love, there can be no justice. Hence, love, felt in the heart and As to the Peace Centennial Forge it is proposed that the practised in the life, alone is true religion. Some writer on workingmen form in procession with symbols of all the ethics says, "All religion and all ethics may be summed up weapons of war, as well as samples of deadly weapons-go to in the word justice." Justice is defined by Webster thus: the Centennial grounds, and then to a forge and have them "Rendering to every one his due-conformity to truth and real-turned into useful implements, thus beginning the fulfilment of ity, just treatment, equity." Hence, if the religion of jus- the old prophecy. Hence we are ready to receive swords, tice were taught and practised, monopolies would cease, and all etc., to be converted, and we cannot too soon receive the names who have toiled and labored would have a competency and a of delegates to the convention, and our friends cannot too soon home. While those who have produced nothing, or done advertise the same. nothing useful or ennobling, either by hand or brain, could not pile up the thousands or millions which others have produced. "For thee, for me, for all," would be the motto of the just; and not a million acres for me and nothing for those who earn the million acres. It was in view of a religion without justice that Isaiah uttered these impressive words, "To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me? Bring no more vain oblations. It is iniquity, even the solemn meeting. Cease to do evil; learn to do well; seek judgment, relieve the oppressed; judge the fatherless, plead for the widow." Something more than a religion of words is needed to redeem the world. There must be a religion of noble, Christ-like deeds.-Battle for Bread. CENTENNIAL YEAR. Centennial Year does not open very auspiciously for us in the highest aspects of national honor and progress. The century has been marked by extraordinary material advancement, but in the higher walks of intellectual culture, of political sagacity and statesmanship, and of noble patriotism and heroic virtue, we shall not be able to make a very enviable exhibition of ourselves in the eyes of the civilized world, during our great national exposition. If the Centennial could have come a few years after the present great moral eruption, incident to the universal demoralization of war, we should have been able to have exhibited a more commendable current history to the world. The atmosphere must be clearer and purer after all these frightful explosions. Men will awaken again to faith in a divine remedy, and learn how short and unsatisfactory are all the rewards of evil doing, and how certainly the terrible wages of sin will be paid to him who sells himself to Satan. Frauds and bribery, thefts and defalcations, are not especially indigenous to Republican government. Russia has just banished a member of the royal family. Germany is beginning to reap the har The principal subjects to be considered will be Arbitration and Disarmament. International Tribunals of Peuce. Codes of Laws, and all matters appropriate thereto. lowa has already appointed delegates, and various army officers have consented to send swords, guns, etc.,to be turned into implements of usefulness; and a friend in Illinois has sent five dollars for a pruning hook to be made therefrom. Your assured friend, ALFRED H. LOVE. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.-A meeting of the Amerihouse of Judge Peabody, in New York, to elect a successor to can International Code Committee was recently held at the Dr. Miles, late Secretary of the Committee. Letters were read from President Woolsey, Chancellor Pruyn, Elihu Burritt, President Hopkins, Howard Malcolm, ex-Gov. Washburne, and the Rev. Dr. Crosby, expressing regrets at the Prime and Osgood, and Judges Peabody and Warren. A. P. inability to attend. Remarks were made by the Rev. Drs. Sprague, of Troy, the author of the prize essay on International Codification, was elected Secretary to succeed Dr. Miles, and a committee was appointed to confer with the Secretary as to the future course of the Committee. The Rev. Dr. Osgood offered a resolution, which was adopted, that a committee of five be appointed to present the subject of the peace of nations and the necessity of an International Code on the principles of arbitration in connection with the coming Centennial, and, if they think it advisable, to request Congress to give its influence to the movement. the death of Reverdy Johnson. Action was also taken in regard to Christianity looks upon all the human race as children of the same father; and in ordering us to do good, to love as brethren, to forgive injuries, and to study peace, it quite annihilates the disposition for martial glory, and utterly debases the pomp of war.-Bishop Watson. BOSTON, APRIL, 1876. E. A. D. About two hundred and sixty years ago a poor lad of seventeen was seen travelling on foot in the south of England He carried over his shoulder, at the end of a stick, all the clothing he had in the world, and had in his pocket an old purse with a few pieces of money given him by his mother, when, with a throbbing, prayerful heart, she took her leave of him on the road, a short distance from their own cottage. And who was John? for that was his name. He was the son of poor, but honest and pious people, and had six brothers and five sisters, all of whom had to labor hard for a living. He was a goodly lad, and at fourteen was disappointed in getting a place as parish clerk, and with his parents' consent set out to get employment. No. 4. At the city of Exeter, where he first went, he met with no success; but as he looked on the beautiful cathedral, and in the bookseller's window, a strong desire sprung up in his mind to become a scholar, and at once he set out for the University of Oxford, some two hundred miles off, walking the whole way. At night he sometimes slept in barns, or on the sheltered side of a haystack, and often met with strange companions. He lived chiefly on bread and water, with occasionally a draught of milk as a luxury. Arrived at the splendid city of Oxford, his clothing nearly worn out and very dusty, his feet sore, and his spirits depressed, he knew not what to do. He had heard of Exeter College in Oxford, and there he went, and to his great delight was engaged to carry fuel into the kitchen, to clean pans and kettles and that kind of work. Here, while scouring his pans, he night often be seen reading a book. His studious habits soon attracted the attention of the authorities, who admitted him into the college as a poor scholar, providing for all his wants. He He studied hard, and was soon at the head of his class. rose to great eminence as a scholar, was very successful as a minister of Christ, and many years before his death, which took place when he was seventy-two, he visited his father and mother, who were delighted to see their son not only a great scholar, but a pious bishop. Such was the history of Dr. John Prideaux, who used to say, "If I had been a parish clerk of Ugborough, I should never have been Bishop of Worcester." He left many works as fruits of his industry and learning. "I WILL NOT FAIL THEE." This is what the Lord said to Joshua, who took the place of Moses as the leader of the Israelites. The servant of God felt his inability to do the work to which he had been called, and therefore God encouraged him by this precious promise. It is a promise which belongs to every one who is trying, by God s help, to do right; and we are never to forget that it is only by His help that we can do right. No doubt there are some among our young readers who often feel their need of some great help. All ought to feel this, but some feel it more than others. Even the young are severely tried. They have temptations and sorrows, and, alas for them! bereavements. Many a young heart is bowed with a weight of sorrow which would be heavy even for an old person. But |