gaged in war with an additional power to those by which we were already so much annoyed, it appeared necessity did justify. The preservation of the constitution was Burke's principal object. Not admitting the necessity, he strenuously opposed such an infringement on personal liberty. This session continued to an unusual length, but ended in July.

narrows.

During this campaign affairs wore a very unfavourable aspect. The combined fleets of France and Spain advanced to the channel; and the British fleet found it prudent to retire, in order to take advantage of the The campaign in America was attended with various success; but Britain was far from advancing in the object of the contest. The national expenditure was increasing in a most enormous degree. Still, however, she externally made a gallant stand, distressed and almost destroyed the commerce of the enemy. Her naval exertions, in various parts of the globe, were such as shewed that the First Lord of the

Admiralty had not been deficient in official service, and that the attacks of Fox and Burke proceeded from the spirit of party, and did not arise from that enlarged patriotism which both these personages frequently displayed. The misfortunes of Britain by no means excited that dissatisfaction which Opposition seemed to expect. Now that the nation was engaged in a war with her ancient enemies, many even of those who had disapproved of coercive measures respecting America, no longer regarded the Provincials as oppressed fellow subjects, but as the allies of foes. In Britain, therefore, there were fewer out of Parliament in opposition to Government than during the first years of the contest. The commerce and manufactures of this country had not suffered so much as had been anticipated: besides, the war found employment for a great multitude of people. The fortunes which certain persons obtained by it, together with the advantages that were held out to moneyed men, in subscribing to the public loans, occasioned a facility in raising sup

plies, which was extremely favourable to the measures of Government, and lessened the general discernment of the calamities and dangers of the nation. But though either private interest, national animosity, or genuine patriotism made the greater number of the British satisfied with the ineasures of Government, very great discontents prevailed in Ireland, because the grievances under which they laboured, and to redress which Burke had endeavoured with such ability, had continued unremoved. At last it appeared that the Minister had determined to attend to the complaints of the sister kingdom. In his Majesty's speech Ireland was recommended to the particular attention of Parliament, to consider what benefits and advantages might be extended to that kingdom.

Burke's attention was this session directed principally to the affairs of Ireland, and to public ceconomy. He censured Ministers for not having taken effectual steps to give

satisfaction to the Irish nation, in conformity to the address of Parliament. The discontents in that kingdom he imputed to Ministry, and considered as more dangerous than they really were, and eventually proved. Whatever subject occupied the attention of Burke made a very deep impression on his mind. In viewing it in the various lights which his versatile genius could apply to it, it often so worked upon his imagination as to transport him far beyond the bounds which much less than his extraordinary judgment might see to be prudent. In enumerating the discontents and disorders of Ireland, which he imputed to the misconduct of Ministry, his vivid and fertile imagination magnified them so much, that one who estimated the condition of that country by his speech, might have supposed it to be in a state of insurrection. He contended that Ministry were restrained by fear only from pursuing the same measures respecting Ireland as they had done concerning America.

The greatest admirers of Burke must acknowledge this was not the way to cement

matters. Why,' says he,

Ministry adopted the same

have not the

measures re

specting Ireland as they did respecting America? Why have they not treated Dublin as they treated Boston? Why have they not shut up the port of Dublin, burnt Cork, reduced Waterford. to ashes? Why have they not prohibited all popular meetings in that kingdom, and destroyed all popular elections? Why have they not altered the usual mode of striking juries as was done by the Massachuset's Bay charter bill? Why were not the Dublin rioters brought over to this country to be tried by an English jury? Why were not the principal leaders of the Irish armed associations proscribed, and the whole kingdom declared to be in rebellion? The answer was plain and direct; the Ministry dare not.' This passage (extracted from the Annual Register of 1780, p. 26) is a striking instance c what I have had repeatedly occasion, from the impartiality due to narration, to mention,