and had targets at their backs. The Ironmongers, in preparing their pageant for the lord mayor's day in 1566, "agreed with Hugh Watts and Xp'ofer Beck that they shall fynde us two wood men, with clubbes, squibbes and powder, and all other necessaryes, and that to be done in all respectes as hath byn accustomed, and to be paid for the same xxiijs. iiij.” * In Smith's " Description of the royall citie of London, 1575," they are thus mentioned: "And to make waye in the streetes, there are certayne men apparelled like develles and wyldmen, with skybbs, and certayne beadells." And so in Whetstone's play of Promos and Cassandra, 1578, two men are introduced "apparelled like Green Men at the Mayor's Feast, with clubs of fireworks, that the King and his train may pass with ease." Raph, in the Cobler's Prophesie, 1594, declares he "will stand out of the Green Men's way, for burning my vestment." Such, no doubt, was originally the "Green Man," a favourite inn sign, though converted in modern days into a huntsman in Lincoln green. Under their older name of Woods we also still see them in heraldry, used as a canting crest for the name of Wood, and as the supporters to the arms of Wodehouse. They appear heraldically in the sepulchral brass of Robert Woodhouse, rector of Holwell in Bedfordshire, dated 1515, with their clubs and targets exactly as in the lord mayor's shows described by Machyn. In the reign of Charles the First they had assumed a somewhat different guise. Their dress was of some coarse cloth, though probably still green, whilst their savagery was represented by hideous masks and wreaths of leaves. They still carried clubs of squibs, + as shown by John Bate in his " Mysteries of Nature and Art, 1635." They probably continued to make their annual appearance for many a lord mayor's show after, and sometimes in large numbers, for in 1681 a company of twenty Green Men preceded the principal pageant. But though these were the real and efficient Whifflers, with their clubs and links, which are alluded to in Ruggles song in praise of tobacco, the same designation was applied to a different and more numerous body, who also played a conspicuous part in the civic processions. These were Whifflers of a more sober de * Some Account of the Worshipful Company of Ironmongers, by John Nicholl, F.S.A. 1851, 8vo. p. 94: a work which on another opportunity we hope to introduce more fully to the notice of our readers. For the annexed fac simile of Bate's engraving we are indebted to the kindness of Mr. Nicholl, the historian of the Ironmongers. GREEN MAN, OF THE LONDON PAGEANTRY. scription, either men of worship, or men of mere show and goodly attire. Such was the case as early as the 31st Hen. VIII. for in "the Muster of the Citizens of London" in that year we find the term assigned to persons of some rank and importance: "The chamberlayn and councellours of the cytye, and the aldermen's deputyes, whiche were assigned to be Wyffelers on horsebacke, were all yn cotes of whyte damaske over theyre harnes, mounted on good horrses well trappyd, with great chaynes aboute theyre necks, and propre javelyns or battle axes yn theyre handes, with cappes of velvett on theyre heddes with ryche ouches. "The Wyffelers on fote were iiij.C. propre lyght persones, apparellyd yn whyte sylke or buffe jerkyns, without harnes, with whyte hose and whyte shoes, every man having a slaugh sworde or a javelyn to kepe the people yn araye, with chaynes aboute their neckes, and fethers in theyre cappes." So again, in 1560, the Ironmongers received a precept from the lord mayor, requiring the company "to furnish xxiiij. hansome men, well and hansomely armed, and x. whiffelers, to go with them to feaching the Queenes Majestie."+ *Archæologia, vol. xxxii. p. 33. 1635. Thus, while the devils and savage men were the peculiar Whifflers for the pageantry, and made a way in the first instance through the crowd, the business of those to whom (in London) the name was more commonly applied was to accompany the procession, and restrain if necessary any lateral pressure or disorder. Their chief use, however, was evidently to increase the numbers of the show and amplify its pomp. They were identical with the javelin men which still attend upon sheriffs at county assizes. But, except on extraordinary emergencies, they were mere automata, like the mutes of a funereal cavalcade. This idea of their character is preserved in the passage from No. 536 of the Spectator, which is quoted in Todd's Johnson and in Richardson's Dictionary: where the term Whifflers is applied to 66 supernumerary and insignificant fellows" attendant on "our fine young ladies :" and in this instance, as in others, the lexicographers have partially misunderstood the term. These Whifflers, it will now be perceived, were not merely "triflers" or fops in character, but also in function, -a sort of supernumerary and useless hangers-on. The Whifflers of processions were usually attired in uniform liveries, and + Nicholl's History of the Ironmongers' Company, p. 84. also adorned with gilt chains and other equipments, which in many cases were provided for them. Bishop Hall alludes to this in the first of the two following passages, which have been cited by Mr. Richardson: "Doe we not laugh at the groome that is proud of his master's horse, or some vaine Whiffler that is proud of a borrowed chaine?"-The Righteous Mammon. "If there do but an earthly prince come over, what pressing there is to see him so as there is need of ushers or Whifflers to stave off the multitude."Sermon on James iv. 8. costume We have now seen how the term came to be used, as Douce and Nares remark, for any persons who marshalled or ushered a procession, irrespective of their peculiar or the weapon they carried. But from first to last it had nothing to do with fifes or flutes, which is the error that Dr. Rimbault originally discountenanced, and which the subsequent discussion in our pages has completely refuted. There is, however, another use of the term which has not yet been pointed out, except in the quotation from Mr. Halliwell's Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words, where he says, Anti-masques were usually ushered in by Whifflers." It is clearly in reference to this peculiar use of the term that we must understand the introductory lines of Bishop Corbet's defence of the performance of Technogamia in 1621 :— If wee, at Woodstock, have not pleased those Whose clamourous judgments lye in urging noes, And, for the want of Whifflers, have destroy'd Th'applause which wee with vizards had enjoyed, Wee are not sorry, &c. which means, that the play of Technogamia had no anti-masque, or pantomimic prologue, to put the audience in good humour. What these anti-masques were may be seen in many of the Court masques of Ben Jonson : some of which have more than one anti-masque. Whether Jonson has used the term Whifflers in connection with them we do not recollect; but there is no doubt that Mr. Halliwell is right in stating that it was employed in reference to them though the only passage we at present have to cite in confirmation is one in the preface to Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, where he speaks of "a new company of counterfeit vizards, whifflers, maskers, mummers." And in this way the Cambridge plays in 1614-15 (see December, p. 623,) might be (metaphorically) said to have bishops for their "Whifflers," though not for their "actors: the episcopal vice-chancellor having taken so active a part in the arrangements preliminary to their performance. BARONIAL TITLE CONFERRED ON A PORTUGUESE BY KING CHARLES THE SECOND. Hertford-street, May Fair, Jan. 19. MR. URBAN,-I avail myself of the courtesy so often shewn by you to contributors to your excellent Miscellany, by sending you a copy taken from an original document in the possession of Count de Mesquitella of Portugal. It contains a grant by King Charles the Second of England, of the title of Baron of "Molingaria" to his ancestor Louis Gonçalo de Souza, in remembrance of the services rendered by his father Anthony de Souza, a Portuguese nobleman (minister at this court from John the Fourth, King of Portugal), to the royal cause in the time of Charles the First. Should you think this document worthy of insertion, as a singular instance of conferring a barony, it may perhaps provoke some of your correspondents to give information relative to the circumstances attending the performance of services therein alluded to, and rendered by a foreigner in aid of the royal Martyr's cause, and may thus contribute to elucidate the history of those troublous times. But the inquiry might not rest here: the very unusual mode at this period of creating a barony by any other means than by patent under the Great Seal, would suggest an investigation why so extraordinary a departure from the usual practice was adopted, if the king's object was to ennoble the son of his father's friend; and whether at that period other individuals who had claims upon his majesty's "honour and gratitude" obtained similar grants. That the document in question is genuine there can exist no doubt. It is engrossed on vellum, and has the royal autograph at the bottom, with a wafer impression of the royal signet at the left hand lower corner. It has no countersignature, nor any endorsement which would indicate its registration in any of the usual public offices through which such an instrument might be supposed to pass, and searches have been made at the Rolls' Chapel and other official deposi tories without effect, for any docquet or registration of its contents. This title is granted, "with all rights, privileges, and pre-eminences to the honour and degree of Baron appertaining, in as full, ample, and absolute manner as any other barons enjoy or have enjoyed the same," to Louis Gonçalo de Souza, who was born in England, during his father's residence in this country, in the year 1645; and it is a remarkable fact that this honour was conceded, not to the father who had rendered such services as is shewn by the document, but to the son, who was a minor at the period, but born in England. It has been suggested that "Molingaria" refers to Mullingar, in the county of Westmeath, in Ireland, and if so, that place was probably in the neighbourhood of some signal exploits effected by Anthony de Souza ; and, if through the medium of your excellent periodical, any information could be given on this and other points, it would throw an additional light upon the events of that period alike useful and interesting to the antiquary and the historian. I have the honour to be, Mr. Urban, Letters under the King's Signet. CAROLUS Dei gratia Magnæ Britanniæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Rex, Fidei Defensor, etc. Omnibus et singulis ad quos præsentes Literæ pervenerint, Salutem. Cum ANTONIUS DE SOUCA nobilis Lusitanus, serenissimi ac potentissimi principis Joannis quarti Portugalliæ Regis in Anglia residens, multis abhinc annis (cum maximè flagrarent insani et præcipites regnorum nostrorum motus) Patri nostro beatissimæ memoriæ utilissimam gratissimam operam navaret et difficillimis illis temporibus Regium nomen inter Rebelles (etiam non sine summo capitis periculo) fortiter asserere et vindicare auderet; tam singularia officia constantiæ et affectûs erga Coronam Britannicam præstita sine aliquo honoris et gratitudinis indicio ex parte nostra præterire noluimus, sed paterna merita saltem in persona filii ejus agnoscere, et honestâ aliquâ benignitatis nostræ tessera condecorare æquum duximus. SCIATIS igitur quod nos pro regiâ nostra potestate, ex mero motu, certâ scientiâ, et gratiâ nostrâ speciali LUDOVICUM GONZALUM DE SOUCA prædicti Antonii filium creavimus, constituimus, et fecimus, ac per præsentes Literas creamus, constituemus, et facimus BARONEM DE MOLINGARIA, ipsumque et heredes masculos ab ipso legitimè progenitos titulo Baronis de Molingaria in perpetuum gaudere volumus, unâ cum omnibus juribus, privilegiis, et præeminentijs ad dictum Baronis honorem gradumque pertinentibus, ità pleno, amplo, et absoluto modo ut ulli alii Barones gaudent vel gavisi sunt. In cujus rei testimonium præsentibus hisce literis sigillum nostrum apponi fecimus. Dat' è palatio nostro Westmonast' vicesimo octauo die Junii, anno Domini millesimo sexcentesimo sexagesimo primo et regni nostri decimo tertio. (Signet.) CAROLUS R. PALIMPSEST SEPULCHRAL BRASS AT NORWICH. MR. URBAN,-During the progress of certain important improvements now being carried into effect in the interior of the noble church of St. Peter of Mancroft, in the city of Norwich, it was considered advisable to remove from the pavement at the eastern extremity of the north aisle a monumental brass which yet lingered there, lest this, the sole survivor of a goodly assemblage, should share the fate of its former companions, and leave no other trace of its existence than such as a despoiled slab can signify. The hand of the spoiler had indeed already deprived this memorial of the shields of arms which formed a part of the original composition, so that an armed effigy with a commemorative legend upon a separate plate at its feet were all that remained. In taking up the engraven effigy from the slab the lower part of the figure was accidentally injured, and the workman appears to have heated the plate in order to apply solder for the purpose of making good the damage as well as he might be able. The under side of the plate was thickly covered with pitch, wherewith, in addition to rivets, it had been affixed to the slab. The heat which was applied for the purpose which I have stated entirely melted away this pitch, and then it became apparent that a very remarkable addition was here to be made to the list of palimpsest brasses which from time to time have been discovered and observed. The The Reverse of both effigy and inscription shewed that these plates formed portions of another very different and much more magnificent brass which had been wantonly cut to pieces in order to supply materials for second use. existing fragments shew that the original work comprised a double ogee canopy, having a shaft supporting the central spring of the two arches. Beneath each arch of this canopy there doubtless was an effigy, but of one only are there now any remains. The reverse of the plate with the armed effigy exhibits the upper part of a face, apparently of a Flemish merchant, with the flowing hair and low cap, such as appear upon the effigy of King Henry VII. while the reverse of the inscription-plate shews the upper part of the merchant's person with his uplifted and clasped hands. One of the lower tassels of the merchant's head-cushion is apparent, and below this the field of the plate shews a rich diaper. A portion of the richly embroidered cushion upon which the head of the second figure reposed is also visible on the first plate. Beyond Correspondence of Sylvanus Urban. the canopy-shaft on the dexter side of the as The whole of these remains display a great amount of hatching in the execution; they also are strongly marked with a foreign aspect, and indeed they bear a very decided resemblance, both in the character of the design and in its treatment and execution, to the Flemish relic which is preserved in the Geological Museum, in Jermyn-street. I must not pass unnoticed the circumstance that the engraving in these fragments is much injured from the use of the hammer to produce an even surface on the other side, when the metal was in preparation for a second use. marks, though sad obstacles to obtaining These a satisfactory rubbing, have not, however, wholly effaced the beauty of the original about A.D. 1520. follows, and it is written in Roman : HERE. VNDER. LYETHE. Ye. CORPS. OF. PETER. REDE. ESQVI Sir Peter Rede's knighthood having been conferred by a foreign prince, at home he seems to have been acknowledged only as an esquire. There is a picture of him in the Council Chamber at Norwich with a hawk on his fist. Blomfield, in his History of Norfolk, describes the bearings of the four shields of arms. Two of them bore Rede alone; the third the same with an impalement of two coats quarterly; and the fourth Rede impaling Blenerhasset with four quarterings. The arms of Rede, which were Azure, on a bend wavy or three morecocks sable, in a bordure engrailed argent pelleté a crescent ermine, were further ensigned with an honourable augmentation given by the Emperor, which is thus blazoned by Blomefield: a canton sinister parted per pale, on the first part two This valiant captain was son of John *Caumont, Bulletin Monumentale, vol. xvi. 1850, p. 360. + It is engraved in Cotman's Norfolk Brasses. |