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geneous threads to manacle and enslave the royal prerogative, whenever it wears on its heroic shoulders the Samson locks of public opinion, which are sure to grow again, sooner or later, by whatever Dalila they may have, for a time, been perfidiously shorn.

Finally, with regard to the corruption of morals, and the decay of public spirit, the wiser advocates for our constitution admit that many, too many individual instances occur of political profligacy, and that, though many, and those effectual restraints have been already opposed to it, still other preventives and improvements are both requisite and practicable. But they affirm, that the charge is grossly exaggerated, that there is not only more public spirit, more true and active patriotism in Great Britain, than exists elsewhere, or ever did exist under any other form of government in any country equally rich and populous; but that there is far more public spirit, far less and less gross corruption, in the present than in any former generation since the restoration of the second Charles. They contend too, and we believe, with justice, that those who decide on the utility of parliament from gladiatorial exhibitions of the ministerial and opposition parties, and the debates on the questions or events that agitate the day, imperiously underrate its beneficent effects, though even those debates, as a sort of national education, and as generalizing throughout the empire a keen interest in public

Let

measures, are of no little use or moment. them attend the committees of the house, peruse their reports, and make a catalogue of all the regulations that have been introduced into all the public departments, through the direct or indirect influence of members, and of all the laws and bills that have been passed for the national benefit or convenience, within the last fifty years; let them then make themselves acquainted with the weekly and daily business of any representative of a county, city, or populous town, in behalf of his constituents, and compare the facility and honourable methods of access, whether for solicitation or remonstrance, which we enjoy under our constitution, with the magic circles of power abroad,—and then let them judge! Heaven forbid that such arguments should prevent our amending whatever is faulty, or making still better what is already good: since nothing human can remain stationary. If we are not progressive, we must be retrograde. But the feeling, with which we enter on the work of reform and improvement, this is indeed of great moment; and to render it what it ought to be, no more effectual discipline can be recommended, than honestly to compare our own state (all grievances included) with that of former times at home, and of other countries at the present day: unless it be to live for a year or two under some one of those governments which have been represented as so much superior to our own. When the late every way illus

trious, and no less good than illustrious Admiral, Sir Alexander Ball, first came to Malta with the power of Civil Governor, it was understood that he wanted a valet de chambre. After a few days, a Maltese, well dressed, with all the air and manners of a gentleman, and (as it afterwards came out) of a good family, waited on Sir Alexander, and brought with him strong recommendations from the principal noblemen of the island. It was some time before Sir Alexander could discover his object, till to his no small surprise it was explained that he came to offer himself as valet. By means of a little crossexamination the candidate gave him to understand, that he expected, in virtue of this most respectable office, to be patented as the sole deliverer of each and every suit, remonstrance, or petition, which any of the Maltese should desire to have presented to his Excellency: for which good service, for his prudence in choosing the mollia tempora, and his occasional good word, the worthy gentleman flattered himself with the usual pledges of gratitude. Nor was the speculation quite so extravagant as at first sight it may seem to the English reader. For in fact, the valet of the late Grand Master, whose place Sir Alexander was about to fill, had by these means accumulated one of the largest fortunes in the whole island. Sir Alexander, however, very gravely, though very politely, informed him that the sum total of the duties which he should require of, or permit from his valet, was to brush his clothes and

set his razor in order; but that as to any interference, or intermediate agency between him and the Maltese, as he should check it in his nearest and dearest connexions, so he would most certainly kick his valet down stairs for the very attempt. Sir Alexander then caused to be made known everywhere, that at certain hours on two days in the week, he was accessible to every one, and that he would never deny himself at any other time, should the business be urgent; but that any one who should employ another to present his request or petition, except in case of sickness or other personal good reason, would infallibly secure its failure, even though there should exist no other objection to his The joy which this information spread through the island was the first taste of a government conducted in the spirit of the English constitution.

complying with it.

This article has already extended beyond our ordinary limits. Reflections on a part of the subject of equal and more immediate interest, namely, the army and navy, and the late fervid praises of the Regent, which are indeed remarkable only from the character and principles of the party from whom they issue, we must defer till to-morrow.

S. T. C.

Ο

(Tuesday, May 7, 1811.)

UR readers will have observed, that the Distillery Bill has been lost in the House of Lords by a majority of twenty. Lord Holland, with the independence of mind which is his characteristic, voted with the ministers, and supported the bill. The arguments of the opponents were grounded on the great profits accruing to the farmer from the growth of barley, his consequent ability to pay his rents, and the consequent opportunity given to the landholder to raise them; on the belief that the measure proposed would be injurious to the agricultural interests; and on the undoubted truth, that these interests should be protected and fostered. With unfeigned diffidence we presume to confess, that the arguments were not satisfactory to our minds. We regret, that in the present state of our commerce, when the whole Continent is almost walled up against us, so that our commodities, both home-made and colonial, must be stolen in, as it were, through the breaches and accidental crannies, which the Argus of French tyranny has overlooked, or where some one of the hundred eyes has been lulled to sleep by the caduceus of an enormous bribe—we regret, that in such a state, so unexampled in its kind, and so indefinite as to its duration, there should be even the appearance of an inattention to those markets and that channel of commercial intercourse, which remain