their representatives. Men are clamorous for the possession of a degree of freedom which, if obtained, would be prejudicial to them, since few know how to use it.

It is to be wished that those who have the power to influence education and the opinions of the populace, would represent to them that most revolutions are set on foot by the ambition of a few, who use the people as their tools, for their own selfish designs; and that whatever advantage may result from insurrections, must be bought by streams of blood. The ages of Alba and of the Dragonades were nearly revived by the Valois, had not a superior power held the olive branch over Europe, and thus put a stop to the ravings of the disaffected.

The occurrences in the Austrian Netherlands have caused me moments of sorrow, and this people will never regain the love which I once felt for them.

My friend,-Because there have been Neros, and a Dionysius, who exceeded the limits of their authority; because there have been tyrants, who abused the power which destiny confided to them;-is it for that reason just, that, under the pretext of fear lest the rights of a nation might suffer, a people should throw all possible obstacles in the way of a prince, in his arrangements of government, which have no other aim than the welfare of his subjects?

Since my accession to the throne, I have ever been anxious to conquer the prejudices against my station, and have taken pains to gain the confidence of my people; I have several times since given proof, that the welfare of my subjects is my passion; that to satisfy it, I shun neither labor, nor trouble, nor even vexations, and reflect well on the means which are likely to promote my views; and yet in my reforms, I everywhere find opposition from people, of whom I least expected it.

As a monarch, I do not deserve the distrust of my subjects; as the Regent of a great empire, I must have the whole extent of my state before my eyes, and embrace the whole in one view; I cannot always listen to the voices of single provinces, which consider only their own narrow sphere.

Private advantage is a chimera, and while on the one hand I lose it in order to make a sacrifice to my country, I may on the other hand share in the common welfare.-But how few think of this!

If I were unacquainted with the duties of my station-if I were not morally convinced, that I am destined by Providence to wear my diadem, together with all the load of obligations which it imposes upon me-melancholy, discontent, and the wish not to exist, would fill my bosom. But I know my heart; I am internally convinced of the honesty of my intentions, and hope that when I am no more, posterity will examine, and judge more equitably, more justly, and more impartially, all that I have done for my people. Vienna, October, 1787.

To a Lady.

JOSEPH.

Madame,-You know my sentiments; you know that I choose the company of the ladies only as a recreation after my engagements, that I never sacrificed my principles to the fair sex, and that I seldom listen to their recommendations; if I do, it is only when a worthy man is their object, who indeed even without would not long remain unknown to me. Two of your sons are already established; the elder, who is not yet twenty years old, is a Captain of cavalry in my army, and the younger has obtained, through the Elector, my brother, an ecclesiastical dignity in Cologne. What do you want more? Should, perhaps, the former be already a General, and the latter have a Bishopric?

This was certainly once the fashion in France; even the Royal Princes commanded the armies in Spain at the age of eighteen. But they were also compelled, by General Stahrenbreg, to retreat; so that these gentlemen, as long as they lived, could comprehend no other manœuvre.

One must be sincere at Court, severe in the field, a Stoic without harshness, and generous without being weak, and gain the esteem of our enemies by good actions;-these are my sentiments, Madame!

December, 1787.

To van Swieten.

JOSEPH.

Sir,-Till now the Protestant religion has been opposed in my states; its adherents have been treated like foreigners; civil rights, possession of estates, titles, and appointments, all were refused them.

I determined from the very commencement of my reign to adorn my diadem with the love of my people, to act in the administration of affairs according to just, impartial, and liberal VOL. XIX. NO. XXXVIII.

Pam.

T

principles; consequently, I granted toleration, and removed the yoke which had oppressed the protestants for centuries.

Fanaticism shall in future be known in my states only by the contempt I have for it; nobody shall any longer be exposed to hardships on account of his creed; no man shall be compelled in future to profess the religion of the state, if it be contrary to his persuasion, and if he have other ideas of the right way of insuring blessedness.

In future my Empire shall not be the scene of abominable intolerance. Fortunately no sacrifices like those of Calas and Sirven have ever disgraced any reign in this country.

If, in former times, the will of the monarch furnished opportunities for injustice, if the limits of executive power were exceeded, and private hatred acted her part, I can only pity those monarchs who were nothing but kings.

Tolerance is an effect of that beneficent increase of knowledge which now enlightens Europe, and which is owing to philosophy and the efforts of great men ; it is a convincing proof of the improvement of the human mind, which has boldly reopened a road through the dominions of superstition, which was trodden centuries ago by Zoroaster and Confucius, and which, fortunately for mankind, has now become the highway of monarchs. Adieu!

Vienna, December, 1787.

JOSEPH.

To Frederick William II, King of Prussia, and Elector of

Brandenburg.

My Brother, I am truly sorry to be obliged to decline accepting your Majesty's offered mediation relative to the differences existing between me and the Porte.

I have drawn the sword, and shall not return it into its scabbard until I obtain satisfaction, until I have received back what has been taken from my house.

Your Majesty is a monarch; as such the rights of kings are not unknown to you. Are my preparations against the Osmans any thing more than reclaiming some provinces that have been wrested from Austria, and of the possession of which circumstances alone deprived my crown?

The Turks, and perhaps not they alone, acknowledge the maxim of seeking to recover, at the first favorable opportunity, what they have lost in times of adversity; that is to say, we allow events to take their course, and submit to the arrangements of Providence.

The House of Hohenzollern arrived at the summit of its greatness by the same means. Albrecht of Brandenburg took from his order the Duchy of Prussia, and his successors secured to themselves the sovereignty of that country in the peace of Oliva. Your Majesty's late uncle took Silesia from my mother at a time when, surrounded by enemies, she had no other protection than the power of her mind, and the fidelity of her people.

What equivalent have the Courts, which talk so much about the equilibrium of Europe, what equivalent have they made to the House of Austria for the possessions she lost in the present century?

My ancestors were obliged to cede Spain at the peace of Utrecht; at the peace of Vienna, the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily; some years after, Belgrade, and the principalities in Silesia; at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, Parma, Placentia, and Guastala; and even before that, Tortona, and a part of Austrian Lombardy.

Has Austria in return made any acquisition of importance during this century of losses? A part of the kingdom of Poland! and of this Prussia has received a greater share than myself. I hope your Majesty will find the motives that induced me to make war with the Porte quite sufficient; I trust you will perceive the justice of my claims, and will not be less my friend because I travestise the Orientals a little.

Your Majesty may be assured that, on similar occasions, I shall respect the same principles on your side, and that, for some years to come, there shall be no occasion for mediation. I recommend myself to the continuance of your friendship, and am,

With great esteem,

Your Majesty's friend and good brother, Vienna, January, 1788.

JOSEPH.

To Francis Charles, Baron von Kressel, President of the Aulic Commission of Ecclesiastical Establishments.

Mr. President,-The incessant care I have taken, since my accession to the throne, for the propagation of the true principles of Christianity, and for the re-establishment of the purity and sublime dignity of the gospel, and for the improvement of morals, are proofs of my zeal for religion. Animated by similar motives, I have in the course of a few years newly founded several bishoprics and chapters, others I have liberally endowed; I have in all the provinces of my

Empire considerably augmented the number of curacies and chaplaincies, as far as they were wanted: I have newly built many churches, curates' houses, and schools, and others I have repaired; I have in every province established seminaries for the education of good curates; and finally, in order gradually to suppress mendicity among the various orders of Monks, which is a degradation to religion, a disgraceful occupation for the whole order, and no trifling burden to the peasant, I have already assigned them a sufficient income in several provinces.

For the attainment of so important and salutary an object, I consider it needful to suppress some convents, which are not required by religion, or the state; and to confiscate some of the prebends in order that their revenues may be applied in a manner more conformable to their original intention.

But as the great number of ecclesiastical persons of both sexes, who have been secularised, must be supported from the newly established religious funds; and as my provident measures do not allow that individuals should in any way suffer by the arrangements which have been made for the good of the state, and of religion; and as the present amount of the religious funds is not sufficient to defray such a variety of expenses, and the public treasure in the present events of war can afford them no farther advance, I conceive I may expect from the good disposition of the whole clergy belonging to my German hereditary states, that for the honor of God, for the propagation of religion and good morals, for the good of the church and her servants themselves, they will support the views immediately connected therewith, and will, for a short time, contribute a small portion of their income for the maintenance and firm establishment of the religious fund.

In this expectation I demand, for the present year of war 1788, from the whole of my German hereditary estates, a contribution proportioned to the present wants of the religious funds, in the following ratio:

First, the holders of ecclesiastical prebends, who according to the professed rate of 1782, have an income of only 600 florins, or less, shall be exempt from contributing.

Secondly, all other clerical persons enjoying a larger income shall contribute proportionably.

Thirdly, according to the revenues of the whole clergy, the quota for raising the sum requisite for this year, amounts to seven and a half florins per cent.; and in the annexed extract, the portion of each contributor is to be specially indicated. Fourthly, from religious establishments and convents the