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PIEDMONTESE REVOLUTION.

Sta la forza per lui, per me sta il vero.

VITTORIO ALFIERI.

[BY COUNT SANTA ROSA, EX-MINISTER.]

TRANSLATED EXCLUSIVELY FOR THE PAMPHLETEER.

PARIS AND LONDON.

1821.

ON THE

PIEDMONTESE REVOLUTION.

If it were known how painful it is to a man driven from his country by an unhappy revolution, to recur to events which have subjected that country to a foreign yoke, and deprived him of all the comforts of life, even this work might meet with some benevolent readers. However, so many calumnies have been circulated, so many facts grossly perverted, that a true Italian can no longer remain silent. Were the reputation of the individuals, who brought about the Piedmontese revolution the only question, probably this silence would not now be broken. They would rather make a painful sacrifice to their country's good; for the publication of this work may indeed prove prejudicial to the public welfare. The enemies of liberty will gather from it some information which they will not fail to turn to account in the struggle which they have sworn to maintain against the dearest interests of society. But, on the other hand, if we should suffer the history of our revolution to rest on the authority of those works which have appeared on the subject,' there would remain an unfavorable impression of it in Europe, whilst Italians might fall into a state of discouragement, fatal to their country.

I write in a foreign tongue; because I should be read by foreigners. I am indifferent about elegant writing; provided I do not distort facts. I have indeed been so situated as to see and discover the real motives of many events; and possessing besides

I know of three only: "Thirty Days' Revolution in Piedmont, by an EyeWitness,' printed at Lyons; An Historical Summary of the Revolutions of the Kingdoms of Naples and Piedmont in 1820 and 1821, by Count D *** ;' "History of the Revolution of Piedmont, by M. Alphonse de Beauchamp,' printed at Paris.

that probity and courage which would not conceal any thing from fear or party spirit, I am convinced that whatever I advance will bear that character of truth which cannot be mistaken. I am aware that I ought to have put my name to this work: the objections might not excuse me with a severe judge, but would find favor with those who have experienced exile and proscription.

To convey a just idea of the causes which brought about the Piedmontese revolution, and point out its true character, we must go back to the memorable period when the fall of the French Empire restored to Piedmont its political existence, together with its Princes.

There is not a Piedmontese heart that did not cherish the remembrance of the 20th of May, 1814;-never did Turin witness a more affecting scene: the people pressing around their Kingthe young impatient to catch a sight of his features, his old servants and veteran soldiers anxious to recognise them—whilst shouts of joy expressed the general delight! Nobility and citizens, townsmen and countrymen, we were then all united in one sentiment ; free from dissensions, Piedmont formed but one family, of which Victor Emmanuel was the beloved father.

This good Prince was however surrounded by unskilful counsellors, who advised him to re-establish the monarchy of his forefathers on its ancient bases. We saw re-constructed an edifice whose decline may be dated from the death of Charles Emmanuel III. We go backwards fifty years. Those salutary institutions originating with the constituent assembly, and respected by the enlightened despotism of Bonaparte, disappear, and there remains to us of the French administration only that which prevents us from knowing its value; for it must not be imagined that on returning under our ancient system of government, we'preserved its advantages. Every system has its advantages; and that which it was in contemplation to re-establish in Piedmont possessed two, which might have served as some recompense for what we lost: a considerable saving in the administration, which conduced to the keeping taxation on a moderate footing; and the police being in the hands of magistrates of a more elevated class. Add to this, the appointment of municipal bodies, renewable from among themselves, and appointing their own president; and the privileges enjoyed by several provinces and most towns, which privileges might in fact be considered as some protection to such as enjoyed none.' But Piedmont, it should seem, was doomed to suffer all the inconveniences of the ancient monarchy, rendered more palpable by association

It is sufficiently clear, I think, that in the case in question the towns and villages having no privileges are generally under the control of Government, to obviate the effects of an invidious comparison.

with those new institutions, which, considered separately, render a monarchy more absolute in reality, and afford to arbitrary power the means of exerting its energies promptly and without the impediments arising from judicial forms. Thus had we, in the first instance, under the name of Royal Carbineers, soldiers of police invested with inquisitorial power, and subsequently a ministry of police, supported by a train of inspectors, sub-inspectors, &c. This junto formed a powerful hierarchy in the state: one single head controlled its movements, it disposed of the public agents at its pleasure, and the municipal Syndics appointed by Government were obliged to submit to its caprices. 1

To complete our misfortunes, there appeared in Piedmont individuals who had belonged to the French administration, and who sought to introduce its forms without distinction into our ancient government: hence arose two parties in every public office, who never agreed together. Meantime the expenditure increased in an alarming degree, from the multiplication of agents; for, although they were ever talking of the reign of Charles Emmanuel III., yet they cared not to practise that strict economy which constituted its prosperity but let it not be imagined that these expenses were incurred to benefit the nation. The only expenditure which was required to be augmented, was precisely that in which prejudice upheld the ancient order of things with the greatest obstinacy and success. The magistrates disdainfully rejected all improvements. But, more docile than their predecessors with regard to the privilege of registering the royal edicts and patents, and in nowise inheriting the knowlege and austerity of our ancient senators, they lost the public esteem, from their antiquated maxims, as well as their insatiable cupidity.

What was most insupportable in the Government was, the little respect paid by the Prince to the right of property. The assignments (délégations) will be long remembered in Piedmont and foreigners hardly comprehend us when we speak of them. How, in fact, can it be conceived, that a debtor can obtain from

;

It must not be forgotten, that every police officer could order arbitrary arrests, of which the victims were most commonly withdrawn from the ordinary judicial procedure by a Royal Ordinance, declaring that there should be a discretional decision on their case: In via economica. We have witnessed some acts of authority, or rather of violence, the recital of which would be shocking; in Nice they will be long remembered. At the same time it is but right to say, that arbitrary arrests were by no means so frequent as might reasonably have been feared under such a system; which is to be ascribed in the first place to the natural goodness of the king, and next to the circumstance that neither his favorite nor police minister were men of bad character. But it is not the less true that any Piedmontese might be thrown into a prison during the pleasure of Government.

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