In peninsular India historical materials are even scantier. Two centuries before the beginning of our era the country was ruled by the Andhra dynasty in the north, and the Pallava dynasty in the south, and they apparently lasted, respectively, for six and eight centuries. From the image of a ship on some Andhra coins we may conjecture that the rulers of this dynasty favoured sea commerce; and it is evident from the references of Pliny that in his time (circ. 30 A.D.) there was an active trade between the Mediterranean and Southern India. It has left abundant vestiges in Roman coins. Of the kingdoms that rose and fell between the disappearance of these dynasties and the Mohammedan conquest, our knowledge hardly goes beyond the names that are borne by coins and inscriptions.

From Brahminical treatises, from the memoirs of Megasthenes and the Chinese pilgrims, and from traces which survive (especially in localities that never came under Mohammedan rule) we are able to depict the structure of Hindu government and society. The country was divided between rulers (rájas) whose powers were in theory despotic, but in practice were limited by the authority of the Brahmin priesthood. Hallowed by all the influences of religion, they could rely upon the unquestioning obedience of their subjects: absolute submission to the Rája was a duty inculcated and acknowledged. But religion insisted no less strongly on the duty of the Rája to protect and cherish his people, and to decide upon their petitions with even-handed justice. Revolt was rare, but war was not uncommon, for the kingdoms were generally small and there were many rivals for jealousy to set at strife. The warrior caste of Rajputs was then of great importance. The Government was supported by a share of the produce which might extend to a fourth, but seems generally to have been a sixth-the share that was rendered to their landlords by the tenants of classical Attica. The dues

HINDU POLICY

received by the State were mainly expended by it in payment for services, and were in this way returned directly to the people. Indeed this process was often simplified by the exaction of service in lieu of produce, each section of the community being bound to furnish so many men for so many days for the construction of public works, or the cultivation of the Rája's demesnes. In two localities the rendering of services (a corvée) in place of tribute continued down to the days of British occupation. Caste and tribal distinctions apart, the ráj (kingdom) was the larger unit of society: the smaller unit was the village. The country was divided into villages, each containing a certain area of land, in densely populated localities often less than a square mile. The houses of the inhabitants were grouped together, so as to resemble a miniature town, and were not uncommonly surrounded by an earthen rampart. This might suffice as a safeguard in village warfare, but could hardly withstand the fierceness of Tartar assault. The village lands might be held by a number of cultivators-of various castes each of whom had his separate holding: or they might be held jointly by the members of a brotherhood, who either divided the produce in accordance with the fractional shares to which they were entitled, or occupied fields in quittance of such claims. The former type probably indicates settlement by colonisation : the latter settlement by conquest. But on whichever of these systems the village lands were occupied, the village society was so organised as to give every inhabitant a fixed position in a community of interdependent individuals. For the performance of general services there was a staff of village servants-the village priest, accountant, barber, washerman, carpenter and watchman-who were remunerated by definite shares of produce. Labourers were similarly supported by a customary share. The affairs of a community were managed by an elected headman, or by elders, who also represented it in its dealings with the State. It is obvious that this organisation rested entirely upon the recognition of custom as a final authority. And to this day custom, throughout rural India, weighs infinitely heavier than experience or common sense. As an expedient for ensuring the continuity of human society the Indian village deserves our admiration. Armies might devastate its fields, or plunder its houses: but, so long as they spared some of its inhabitants, the organisation would restore itself when they had passed away. And within its boundaries competition was fettered by custom and could exercise none of its disintegrating powers.

(II) THE EPOCH OF MOHAMMEDAN INVADERS

A few years after the death of the Prophet (A.D. 632) a band of his Arab followers invaded and subjugated the province of Sind. But their influence did not spread, and they did not long retain the forcefulness of their individuality. It was not till four centuries later-in the eleventh century-that Mohammedanism was implanted in India by the armies of Tartar generals which entered the country by their customary routeacross the Afghan border. For nearly two centuries (A.D. 1000 to A.D. 1192) Northern India was constantly invaded and plundered by the troops of Mohammedan kingdoms that had been established in Afghanistán, or in the country beyond it. One king-Mahmud of Ghazni -led no less than fifteen expeditions; and, since the object was to secure not authority but riches, no limits were set to the cruelty and rapacity of his soldiers. In A.D. 1192 the invaders were confronted by a Hindu confederacy: they were victorious and decided to annex. Northern India was partitioned into a number of Mohammedan principalities, which with kaleidoscopic changes shared the domination of the country until the establishment of the Moghal empire four and a half centuries later.