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ticle, are to be comprehended in the total demand of the sum of six hundred thou, sand dollars, which are contained in the first article.

"The right, most certainly, and perhaps the duty of the undersigned, would be to require the punishment

provement and decoration of his premises, and to carry on his business for upwards of two years; and then, without the shadow of a cause of complaint, without even a pretext of his having in any way incurred the displeasure of the local authorities, he is commanded to shut his shop, under a penalty of a fine of five hundred francs, accompanied by the compulsory destruction of his establishment. This, to a young man not long established in business-or indeed to a man under any circumstances, must be ruinous. The blow is aimed, not at him exclusively, but at the people of England in general."

The

We noticed claims urged by Baron Deffandis as classed by him under another head still. Here we present a spice of his ultimatum referring to this other and separate category. For upstart arrogance and insolence, coarse as cowardly, there exists no counterpart to it that we know of. 600,000 dollars positive, and the thrice 600,000 in the back-ground and unspecified category, all conceded, will go, it is certain, but a small way towards the actual conclusion of strife. Thus dictates his high behests, this courteous and temperate official:

"The General Gregorio Gomez, who ordered the assassination of the two Frenchmen, Demoussent and Sansieu, in Tampico, shall be dismissed, and shall pay an indemnification of twenty thousand dollars to the families of the two victims.

"The Colonel Pardo, commandant of Colima, guilty of an attempted assassination, accompanied with dangerous wounds, on the person of the Senor Giraud Du. long, shall be dismissed; and the indemnity of nine thousand six hundred and sixty dollars, demanded by this Frenchman, shall be delivered to him.

"The Senor Tamayo, Judge de Letras, in Mexico, for the illegal, iniquitous and atrocious sentence which perversely he passed against the Senor Pitre Lemoine, shall be dismissed. This Frenchman shall

be immediately set at liberty, and an in

demnification of two thousand dollars shall be paid to him for the prolonged deten tion, completely unjust, which he has suffered, and the bad personal treatment which he so vilely has been made to endure in his confinement, since the sen

tence given by the Senor Tamayo, in July

last.

An indemnity of fifteen thousand dollars shall be paid to the families of the Frenchmen, for their unpunished assassination at Atenzingo.

"The indemnities stipulated in this ar

"Of the Governor of Tehuantepee, for the multitude of injustices committed by him against the French, and his inhuman conduct towards the Senores Bailly and Gourjon.

"Of the Governor of Tamaulipas, for his provoking partiality in the odious affair of the Senor Duranton.

"Of the Counterfitting Officers, who against the Senor Le Dou. contrived all the persecutions directed

"Of the Judge Zozaya, for a multitude of oppressive and arbitrary acts, as also for his habitual insolence towards the Legation of the King.

"Of the Judge Alatorre, for the insiduous arrest of the Senor Burgos, and the unjust exactions carried into effect upon

the Senor Simeon.

"Of the Alcalde of Mexico, guilty of the innovation and savage destruction of the lawful and useful establishment of the Senor Duval and

"Of several others, in fine.

"But the undersigned is desirous "of availing himself, while he can, of the qualified latitude permitted him, by the Government of the King, upon the subject: he does not wish to create any incumbrance to the Mexican Administration, and he confines himself to the requesting the punishment (very moderate) of these men, whose barbarous conduct is so widely separated from the principles of justice, of morality, and of civilization, that even the Mexican Journal has thought designate one of them, very recently, and proper to who has not complained of the qualification, with the epithet of the monster with a human face."

With the exception of Atenzingo, the same features of atrocious exagall the cases here referred to present geration and absolute falsification as those cited before with proof and detail.

It is edifying to see the small satellite of Louis Philippe quoting the journals against the objects of his vengeance. Will his master thank him for taking certificates of character from such a source? Will that master be content to take his own portrait as daily sketched by the press democratic or Carlist of Paris, and hang it up in the salons of the Tuileries, as the most faithful resemblance of the original? Why, beside the Ethiop

caricature, the Mexican would start from his rival canvas blanched and pure as the driven snow.

The money grievances, laboriously fabricated as they are, with the monstrous interferences growing out of them, with the rights and liberties of the free citizens of a free stafe, are, after all, a preliminary cover only for other pretensions of a higher cast, for securing to France an ascendency of political interest, and a monopoly of commercial advantages. The absolute claim of right on behalf of French subjects to settle as retail dealers in any part of Mexico, with the same privileges as Mexicans themselves, is one of these. It was enjoyed on sufferance previously, liable to withdrawal at pleasure; but in the ultimatum of the envoy, ample indemnification is insisted on in case of such withdrawal. The Mexicans were ready to agree that public notice should beforehand be given of such a measure when intended, with time sufficient for the sale of stock on hand, but contended for the right of internal legislation in such mode as might be deemed convenient, and urged also, that such concession to France would be inconsistent with obligations, and the stipulations of treaties with other powers. In cases of litigation between French subjects and Mexicans, when the former should be dissatisfied with the decision of the regular courts, as if the losing party was inevitable, it was proposed and insisted on by the Baron, that the proceeds should be submitted over again to a court of appeal, presided over by the French Consul, and the jury to be composed of one half natives and the other of French residents. From a tribunal constructed of such a majority, the stream of justice would doubtless flow all in one direction. To various other powers arrogated of interposing between Mexico and its creditors, we need advert, only to put in prior rights on the part of this country, should France succeed in establishing a new system of international law, all on one side and on her own behalf. The question to us is one of millions upon millions to France, of hundreds of thousands only.

To Great Britain these iniquitous and unprovoked blockades of Mexico and Buenos Ayres are of transcendent importance. The whole export

trade of France to Mexico, exceeds by little the amount of 700,000 francs, that of Great Britain reaches to as many millions sterling. The 600,000 dollars only, so arbitrarily required in the shape of indemnity by France, is not far from equal to the value of one-half of her yearly traffic. The exaction is so much the more preposterous, as it is notorious that French traders or adventurers seeking fortune or subsistence in foreign lands are the least burdened with capital or commodities. We have seen and known them by hundreds arriving out with their petty pacotilles of dentallas, bijouterie, &c., of the worth of a few pounds only; and would be bound to stake our reputation on the fact that an average of L.10 cash or wares to each of the five or six thousand French on arrival in Mexico or now resident, would be far beyond the mark of their worldly store. That pretended claims to indemnity have become part of an organised system with such vagrants, cannot be doubted in the face of proofs adduced, and proofs endless which could be exhibited; it is a system too, which will continue to flourish in rank luxuriance so long as it is abetted by a Government equally mercenary and ambitious. Some few years ago the French Consul at Santiago de Chile made a glorious bonne bouche of the sort worth recording. The country being a prey to civil commotions and bands of insurgents and robbers roaming about, he was warned by the authori ties of the danger to which he was exposed by residing out of the city in a lone country house, and moreover, advised, that unless he removed into the town they could not be responsible for his safety. The admonition was disregarded, and so one day his house was entered and pillaged. This was all he wanted; forthwith a "grievance" was made up, and a claim to indemnity for broken chairs, tables, and the plunder of his small stock of argenterie preferred to the amount of 42,000 dollars (!!!) or nearly L.9000! It was not possible the whole stock of so ill paid a functionary could have exceeded in value one or at most two thousand dollars. The claim, however, was pressed-high diplomatie notes and blustering threats passed from Paris-the Chilenos remonstrated on the absurd enormity of the

charge, and prayed a reference of verification to a mixed jury of French and natives-in vain. As a last resort the sense of justice of the French Cabinet was appealed to, accompanied with an intimation that to the decision, whatever it might be, they should bow. By return of post came that decision in the shape of an order to pay down the whole scandalous overcharge. The clerks in the Paris foreign office, if not the chief himself, had doubtless a fellow feeling with the Consul in the money if no other wise. Some time subsequently the same Consul was nominated to Buenos Ayres, where the Government, already aware of the danger and the expense of so costly a guest, absolutely refused to receive him.

On the declaration of the blockade of Buenos Ayres, the paltry motives of which have been exposed, no less than fourteen or fifteen British ships were on the voyage out there, or loaded and ready to sail in one party, with cargoes of the aggregate value of some half million sterling-cargoes specially assorted for that one market, and therefore unavailable elsewhere. The loss, not to say ruin, to merchants and traders must therefore be prodigious on that single head; but when the millions of annual products of British industry, and of tens of millions of British capital embark ed in Mexican enterprise, or lent to the Mexican Government, are added to the vast account, it will not be denied, that in the fate of the Spanish American people and government, we have a stake of incomparable magnitude-a stake second only to that in our own colonial possessions. Their peace and prosperity, so interwoven with our own, arm us with the most incontestable of all rights to interfere for their protection and preservation. Aggression against them can only be successful at our expense; and those who apparently aim only at their humiliation or spoliation, are in reality inflicting wounds the most incurable upon British interests and British power. Should

we stand by tamely to see Spanish America reduced to such extremities that compliance with the insulting and rigorous tenour of the alternation of Baron Deffandis becomes a matter of necessity, the loss may indeed be shared by Mexico, but the ignominy

will be all our own. That functionary, triumphing in the consciousness of force superior, has proclaimed that, "should (which God forbid) this answer (of Mexico) be in the negative, upon only one point, should it even be doubtful upon only one point, should it finally be delayed beyond the 15th of April, the undersigned must then immediately place the continuation of this affair in the hands of the Senor Bazoche, Commander of His Majesty's Naval Forces, of which a division is actually upon the coast of Mexico; and this superior officer will put into execution the orders he has already received."

All proposals of reference to the friendly offices of a foreign power have been contemptuously spurned; although he himself insidiously, as no doubt falsely asserts, that once during a personal conference with the Mexican minister, he did verbally propose or accept such arbitration, so since denounced; although in the two contemporary cases of Prussia and the United States, Mexico has experienced no such repulse, and met with no difficulty in the arrangement. Unable to bring down the Government to the sacrifice of all sense of national dignity, he did not scruple to recur to attempts to excite discontent, if not insurrection among the people, by characterising the differences as not between los dos pueblos, but as personal points between the Mexican authorities and the King of the French. So far the insidious ruse has failed; let Louis Philippe beware lest so perilous a weapon be hereafter wielded against himself by an arm more powerful to drive it home.

It is time that we also raise the question of damage, in our case the mightiest of questions. Every where is France lording it with a high hand, mortally striking at the very vitals of our maritime ascendency founded on

our commerce, whilst with the same instrument, or through the same means, exalting her own naval greatness, and creating new sources of that commerce which most flourishes where best protected and most secure. Nos guerres, says the Journal des Debats, the organ of the Tuileries, sont des guerres de civilization, et sont toutes aussi des guerres maritimes. Cel a crèe a notre marine un grand et bel avenir. "Let Mexico make a treaty

of commerce with us, and repair the wrongs done to our national honour; our fleet then will retire to Havana." The Journal des Debats abjures for France all lust of conquest in these maritime wars, which we are told are not "wars of ambition." At Algiers, however, she has thought, and acted in a different sense; as well as more recently in Brazil, where a territory has been forcibly taken possession of extending from French Guiana to the great mouth of the Amazons, comprizing nearly 300 miles of sea-coast, and running backwards on the line of that magnificent river some 1500 miles to the inland frontiers of Peru and Colombia. And all this without plausible pretext, provocation, or previous notification; the flagrant abstraction and encroachment being committed upon the empire of Brazil, a state in alliance with and causeless of injury to her. What by violence has been effected, by force she is resolved to keep. Her ships of war are there anchored in Brazilian waters and ride mistress of the Amazons as of the La Plata. Recent advices, worthy of credit, state that a squadron of seventeen well manned French men-of-war cruize on the Brazilian station, whilst three or four British ships only are to be heard of, and those half manned, and indifferently equipped.

Such is an outline of the SpanishAmerican question-such the incidents out of which have arisen the blockades of Mexico and Buenos Ayres-such the "War in Disguise," against the

industry and the naval greatness of Great Britain. They are ingredients in that grand and scarcely occult confederacy, which in all parts of the world is at work to undermine British interests and influence-to prostrate the power and the resources of this great country. From the two Americas in the West, to Nepaul, Cabul, and Burmah in the East, the "might, majesty, and dominion" of the British name are now scareely more than a dream of the bygone time-chaos seems come again, and the confusion which stalks abroad is only to be surpassed by the discord which reigns at home, whilst Russia and France ride triumphantly the evil genii of the storm. The puny Whigs, affecting to be statesmen, and actually at the helm of state, are casting about to find themselves, if not dishonourable graves, some less honourable means of rescue from the coming tempest, and wordy escape from exposure and ignominy. At the eleventh hour, indeed, Mr Pakenham, the minister to Mexico, has been ordered to his post; his proffer of mediation is, it is said, to be backed with the presence of some men-of-war, which used to be, and may again be Britain's best negotiators. Time was, indeed, that steps were taken to show that the lion was awaking, and his mane bristling with aroused ire. By way of counter-demonstration, Louis Philippe, they say, is exchanging cards. of compliment with Nicholas, and talk of negotiation and alliance with Russia.

THE LIBERALISM OF POPERY.

TURN you where you will, if Popery be predominant, there is degradation; if Popery be powerful, there is discord; if Popery be absent, there are prosperity and peace. Wherever there is turbulence wherever there is anarchy —wherever there is national excitement, or civil war, Popery is the sole author and agent. No matter how scanty her means, no matter how remote her hopes, or how slender her chances, still she pants for ascendancy, still she struggles for dominion. No matter how desperate the measures requisite to satisfy her morbid ambition, no matter how much her daring movements may risk retributive punish ments, or a self-defensive repression of her power; still she boldly wages her, wars by plots and by alliances with kindred infidelity or alien-liberalism, employing every art, straining every sinew, refining on every motive, exhausting every intrigue against the policy she fears, and the religion she abhors. And if in any country her exertions triumph-if she succeed completely, as in Belgium, or partially, as in Ireland-what is the immediate and inevitable result? Is the toleration

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she once so plausibly claimed for herself, accorded to others? Is the liberalism she once vaunted, prominently and faithfully displayed? Far other wise. She tramples on past professions; scorns former engagements; violates solemn obligations,; banishes or closes the Bible; poisons, corrodes, and enthrals the hearts of the people; practically curtails their liberties, and vindicates the law and administers justice only for her own faction; and then, while the few are thus oppressed to appease the vindictive rancour of the many, while freedom is crushed and religious persecution-sometimes covertly, sometimes openly is applied to coerce the consciences, or to weary the patience, or to damp the ardour of professors of the truth, her advocates in other countries buy the silence, if not the sanction, of hoodwinked pitiful Liberals around them, by assisting (but with their own deep and private purposes) in some petty larceny scheme of spoliation, or some revolutionary project of reform. If it can indeed be proved that, in assisting Popery, the Dissenters and the

Liberals will produce no other results than those which Popery now promibetween this united body and the Conses to secure for them, the question point- whether these results themservatives is narrowed to the simple selves are worth obtaining at the price ofthe destruction of the establishments and systems now assailed. If, on the other hand, we can show that in fact the views of Popery are different to those she professes-if we can demonstrate that her co-operation is given to Liberalism beralism aid is in return gained by false with fraudulent purposes, and that Lithat a fair statement of these circuminducements, then the prospect arises stances will tend to sever the connexion which at present binds Popery and. Liberalism together, and gives them such strength and success.

Before proceeding farther, and in
order more clearly to illustrate our view
of the real designs of the Papists, we
will select two or three specimens of
their liberalism, and enquire concern-
ing each of these how far the real in-
tentions of Popery are such as they
are pretended to be. First, then, for
the Ballot.

form" is the securing of perfect secrecy
The professed object of this " re-
as to the mode in which the franchise
is exercised, and the consequent inde-
pendence of the voter.
nell, the Irish Papists, the British Ro.
Mr O'Con-
tion this plan, and the purpose it is de-
man Catholics and the priesthood sanc-
signed to secure.
the ground of Popery's co-operation
And it is chiefly on
in the agitation for the ballot, that the
subserviency of the Irish members to
radical party continue to tolerate the
the Government's behests. But what
is the amount of concession made by
the Roman Catholics, and what is the
value of their opinion in favour of the
undue influence at Irish elections;
scheme? They are accused of exciting
they are charged with carrying about
the warning symbol of a death's head
and cross-bones to terrify the voters;
and they have been proved to have
superstition, its excommunications and
called into action the powers of their
freeholders have hesitated to follow
its discipline, when the poor ignorant
By agreeing to the Ballot, do they ge-
some agitator or priest to the hustings.

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