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which the Russian Nesselrodes and Pozzo di Borgos excel. But more. Might not the Turk, who is by no means a milksop, and who can deal heavy blows, as we have just seen, even from his sick-bed-might not the Turk oppose the armed intervention of the Powers, and might not some untoward collision be the result, and might not the Turkish navy be annihilated; and then-O! then, might not the way to Constantinople be more open, and the Balkan more easily crossed? Such were the cogitations that might naturally begin to move in the brain of a thoroughly Russian energetic and enterprising young Czar, when the proposal was made to coerce the Sultan into the recognition of the total or partial independence of one of his revolted provinces. And the result, as we all know, was exactly such as the most brilliant imagination of a brisk young emperor could have conceived. In the course of a few months the Turkish fleet was destroyed at Navarino; in two years Kustendji and Varna, and the whole sea-road to Stamboul, were in the hands of the Russian fleet; and in three years General Diebitch had made himself immortal by surmounting the unsurmountable Balkan, and was resting with twenty thousand men (supposed, however, to be sixty thousand!) on the banks of the Hebrus at Adrianople. Never was game better played. The Turko-Russian campaign of 1828-9, which we can now study to such advantage, was, we may say, impossible, but for the battle of Navarino, which was only the natural result of the armed intervention of the three Powers in favour of Greece. Add to this the disorganisation of the Turkish army, caused by the massacre of the Janizaries in 1826, and the consequent disaffection among the old Turkish conservatives; and we shall see at once how the campaign of 1828-9 ended so gloriously for Russia, while that of 1854 has proved so shameful. The cause of the difference lies obviously in the command of the Black Sea, which Russia, by the disaster of Navarino, then had, and which, by the AngloFrench alliance, she now has not. This, and this only, has on the present occasion made the gallant defence

of a single fortress by the Turks equivalent to the loss of a whole campaign by the Russians.

The last of our five points only remains-How has the establishment of Greek independence, by the treaty of 1827, answered the expectations of its founders?- What is the actual state of Greece, material, moral, and intellectual?-Are the Greeks under German Otho substantially more prosperous than they were under the Turkish Mahmouds? We cannot, of course, hope to answer these questions satisfactorily within the limits at present prescribed to us; but one or two observations we are compelled to make, for the sake of taming down to somewhat of a more sober temper the glowing observations with which Sir Archibald Alison concludes his fourteenth chapter. There is a class of wise men in the world who show their wisdom only in the negative way of seeing difficulties and making objections. Sir Archibald Alison certainly does not belong to this class. Once possessed by a grand idea, he marches on fearlessly to its realisation, and lets difficulties shift for themselves. He gives you a project for a marble palace and a granite bridge; but seems to forget sometimes that there are only bricks to build with. We like this error, which leans to virtue's side, and has a savour of something positive and productive; nevertheless the truth must be spoken-for in politics the best intentions are often the mother of the greatest blunders. The remarks of Sir Archibald Alison, which we think require a little chastening, are as follows:


6th July 1827 having been an unjustifi"In truth, so far from the treaty of able interference with the rights of the Ottoman Government as an independent power, it was just the reverse; and the only thing to be regretted is that the Christian powers did not interfere earlier in the contest, and with far more extensive views for the restoration of the Greek empire. After the massacre of Chios, the Turks had thrown themselves out of the pale of civilisation: they had proved human race, and no longer entitled_to themselves to be pirates, enemies of the toleration from the European family. Expulsion from Europe was the natural and legitimate consequence of their flagrant violation of its usages in war. Had this

been done in 1822–had the Congress of the worn-out materials of Mahommedan Verona acceded to the prayers of the despotism, but with the rising energy of Greeks, and restored the Christian empire Christian civilisation. of the East under the guarantee of the “But modern Turkey, it is said, is diAllied Powers—what an ocean of blood vided by race, religion, and situation ; would have been dried up, what bound- three-fourths of it are Christian, oneless misery prevented, what prospects of fourth Mahommedan : there are six mil. felicity to the human race opened! Alions of Sclavonians, four millions of Bul. Christian monarchy of ten millions of souls, garians, two millions and a half of Turks, with Constantinople for its capital, would, and only one million of Greeks ;-how ere this, have added a half to its popula- can a united and powerful empire be tion, wealth, and all the elements of na- formed of such materials ? Most true ; tional strength. The rapid growth, since and in what state was Greece anterior to the Crescent was expelled from their ter- the Persian invasion ; Italy before the ritories, of Servia, Greece, the Isles of the Pụnic wars ; England during the HepArchipelago, Wallachia, and Moldavia, tarchy ; Spain in the time of the Moors ; and of the Christian inhabitants in all France during its civil wars? Has the parts of the country, proves what might existence of such apparently fatal elehave been expected had all Turkey in ments of division prevented these coun. Europe been blessed by a similar libera- tries from becoming the most renowned, tion. The fairest portion of Europe would the most powerful, the most prosperous have been restored to the rule of religion, communities upon earth ? In truth, diver. liberty, and civilisation, and a barrier sity of race, so far from being an eleerected by European freedom against ment of weakness, is, when duly coerced, Asiatic despotism in the regions where it the most prolific source of strength; it was first successfully combated.

is to the body politio what the intermix, * What is the grand difficulty that now ture of soils is to the richness of the surrounds the Eastern question, which earth. It is the meagreness of unmingled has rendered it all but insoluble even to race which is the real source of weakness; the most far-seeing statesman, and has for it leaves hereditary maladies uncompelled the Western Powers, for their changed, hereditary defects unsupplied. own sake, to ally themselves with a state Witness the unchanging ferocity in every which they would all gladly, were it age of the Ishmaelite, the irremediable practicable without general danger, see indolence of the Irish, the incurable arroexpelled from Europe? Is it not that gance of the Turk ; while the mingled the Ottoman empire is the only barrier blood of the Briton, the Roman, the Saxon, which exists against the encroachments the Dane, and the Norman, has proof Russia, and that if it is destroyed the duced the race to which is destined the independence of every European state is sceptre of half the globe. endangered by the extension of the Mus. “Such was the resurrection of Greece ; covite power from the Baltic to the thus did old Hellas rise from the grave Mediterranean? All see the necessity of of nations. Scorched by fire, riddled by this barrier, yet all are sensible of its shot, baptised in blood, she emerged vicweakness, and feel that it is one which is torious from the contest ; she achieved daily becoming more feeble, and must in her independence because she proved herthe progress of time be swept away. This self worthy of it ; she was trained to

; difficulty is entirely of our own creation; manhood in the only school of real imit might have been obviated, and a firm provement, the school of suffering. bulwark erected in the East, against Twenty-five years have elapsed since which all the surges of Muscovite ambition her independence was sealed by the would have beat in vain. Had the dic. battle of Navarino, and already the tates of humanity, justice, and policy been warmest hopes of her friends have been listened to in 1822, and a Christian mon. realised. Her capital, Athens, now conarchy been erected in European Turkey, tains thirty thousand inhabitants, quadunder the guarantee of Austria, France, ruple what it did when the contest terand England, the whole difficulties of thé minated ; its commerce has doubled, and Eastern Question would have been obvi- all the signs of rapidly advancing prosated, and European independence would perity are to be seen on the land. The have found an additional security in the inhabitants have increased fifty per cent; very quarter where it is now most seri- they are now above seven hundred thou. ously menaced. Instead of the living sand, but the fatal chasms produced by being allied to the dead, they would the war, especially in the male populahave been linked to the living ; and a tion, are still in a great measure unsupbarrier against Eastern conquest erected plied, and vast tracts of fertile land, on the shores of the Hellespont, not with spread with the bones of its defenders, await in every part of the country the believethis is natural; that Sir Archirobust arm of industry for their cultiva. bald Alison should believe it, carried tion. The Greeks, indeed, have not all away by a noble sympathy with a the virtues of freemen ; perhaps they are

heroic theme, is but the radiation of never destined to exhibit them. Like that fire with which the noblest minds the Muscovites, and from the same cause, barn most intensely ; but we have they are often cunning, fraudulent, deceitful ; slaves always are such ; and a

never conversed with an individual nation is not crushed by a thonsand years practically conversant with the eleof Byzantine despotism, and four hun- ments of which Christian Turkey is dred of Mahommedan oppression, without composed, who looked upon such a having some of the features of the servile consummation, in the present age at character impressed upon it. But they ex: least, as possible. A very intelligent hibit also the cheering symptoms of social and patriotic Greek gentleman once reimprovement; they have proved they still marked in our hearing, that the Greek possess the qualities to which their an- kingdom could never prosper in its cestors' greatness was owing. They are present tiny dimensions ; that the lively, ardent, and persevering, passion Greek Islands-except Corcyra, which ately desirous of knowledge, and indefatigable in the pursuit of it.' The whole the English must keep as a naval sta. life which yet animates the Ottoman Em- tion-with

Thessaly, and part of Thrace pire is owing to their intelligence and and Macedonia, must be added to it activity. The stagnation of despotism is before it could be free from that spirit unknown among them; if the union of civi- of petty intrigue which is the great lisation is unhappily equally unknown, that vice of small governments. This is is a virtue of the manhood, and not to be intelligible ; because the population looked for in the infancy of nations. The included under such an extended Greek consciousness of deficiencies is the first kingdom would, by a great predominstep to their removal ; the pride of bar. barism, the self-sufficiency of ignorance; be essentially Greek. But when it is

ance both of numbers and moral forces, is the real bar to improvement ; and a nation which is capable of making the proposed seriously to revive a Byzanefforts for improvement which the tine empire, Greek merely in name, Greeks are doing, if not in possession of and comprising such large sections of political greatness, is on the road to it.” a non-Hellenic population as Servia,

for instance, and Bulgaria, then, we Now, to the first proposition con- confess, we feel staggered; and all the tained in the above remarks, that the historic analogies which Sir Archibald Great Powers were perfectly justified Alison so skilfully presses into his serin their intervention to save the Greeks vice will not give wings to our droopfrom the lawless ferocity of the Turks, ing faith. The best-instructed man we have no objections to offer. It is with whom we ever conversed on the a gladdening thing to believe and to subject-Dr George Finlay, who has see that the strong cry of human sym- lived among the Greeks all his lifepathy will sometimes be listened to declares that such a combination is even by politicians, and that heart impossible: the principle of cohesion less di macy in the public inter is too weak, that of repulsion too course between people and people is strong : the splendid aggregate would not all in all. But the summary ex- fall to pieces in a few years; and out pulsion of the Turks from European of the confused elements a new comTurkey, even supposing it were pulsory crystallisation take place unnot too great a punishment for der the influence- very likely-of the offence, would, when achieved, Russian polarity. Sir Archibald Alison leave the most difficult part of the himself, in one of the phrases which Greek problem unsolved. Sir Archi- he accidentally drops, seems to admit bald assumes that the discordant and the truth of this view. “Diversity of crude elements of which European race," he says, “ so far from being an Turkey, less the Turks, is composed, element of weakness, is, when duly would, in 1827, have readily coalesced, coerced, the most prolific source of or is ready now, in 1854, to coalesce, strength." Very true, wben duly into a great Greek empire, of which coerced; but it is this very principle Constantinople shall be the capital. of coercion that would not exist in That the Greeks themselves should the supposed Byzantine empire ; and

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could exist only, according to one of Sir A. Alison's own analogies, through the violent subjection of all the other races by the one that happened to be strongest; for so it was, as Livy shows in bloody detail, that the different races of Italy were coerced into a grand national unity by the Roman Latins. But even after all that bloody cementing, the aggregate of the Italian States, as no one knows better than Sir Archibald Alison, was kept together by the loosest possible cohesion; as the terrible outburst of the Marsic or Social war testifies, which wellnigh split Italy into two, at a time when Julius Cæsar, its future master, had not yet begun to trim his beard. He certainly, the lion, and his nephew Augustus, the fox after him, did use the bloody cement successfully, and exercised a strong coercion, the effect of which is visible even now among the again-divided possessors of the Italian soil; such a coercion as the present Czar of Russia might perhaps at the present moment be in the fair way of exercising for the sake of the Orthodox Church, had Sir Archibald Alison's Byzantine empire been patched together with a few purple rags in the year 1828. Or again, to take another of his analogies, has Sir Archibald Alison forgotten what was the state of Greece, not anterior to, but immediately after the Persian invasion ?-did it not plunge at once into all the pettiness of provincial rivalry? and was not the great Peloponnesian war a speaking proof, that there were no elements of cohesion even among pure Greeks, and in the best days of Greece, strong enough to keep that unfortunate country from consuming its own vitals in civil war, and becoming, by voluntary self-betrayal, first the scoff of the Persian, and then the prey of the Macedonian? With these examples before us, we cannot but consider ourselves more near the truth in following the practical statesmen who declared that the new Greek kingdom should be confined within the limits where the insurrection had chiefly raged, and where the battle had been fought. Sober politicians could not but look upon the whole affair as experimental; and whatever arguments may in the course of events be advanced for an expan

sion of the limits of the existing monarchy, no person practically acquainted with the events of Greek government, or rather misgovernment, since the creation of Otho's kingdom in 1832, can imagine that the evils under which the country has groaned would have been less, had Thessaly and Macedonia been at that time included within the Hellenic border. We should still have had German bureaucracy, French constitutionalism, Fanariote intrigue, Etolian brigandage, and modern diplomacy, thrown together to brew a devil's soup of jobbery, and falsehood, and feebleness, over which the wisest man can only hold up his hands, and with a hopeless wonderment exclaim

"Double, double, toil and trouble; Fire burn, and cauldron bubble!"


In conclusion, we need hardly say that we cannot agree with Sir A. Alison when he states, so strongly as he does in the last paragraph, that already the warmest hopes of the friends of Greece have been realised; and all the signs of advancing prosperity are to be seen in the land." It is a great mistake to imagine that the country is really in a prosperous state because Athens has trebled its population in thirty years. Athens has a well-furnished and rather a flourishing appearance, for the same reason that Nauplia looks out upon the beautiful Bay of Argos in such a state of woeful dismantlement and dilapidation: the court has left the Argive city, and travelled to the Attic; and all the gilded gingerbread, which you call prosperity, has gone with it. Let no man be hasty to draw sanguine promises of Greek prosperity from anything good or glittering that may delight his eyes in the streets of Athens. That splendid palace of the little German prince, now called King of Greece, with its fine well-watered gardens without, and its fine pictures within, and its large dancing-saloon, the wonder even of London beauties-this palace was a mere toy of the boy's poetical papa, and has no more to do with the progress of real prosperity in Greece than a wax-doll has to do with life and organisation. Nay, it may be most certainly affirmed, that not a small part of that sudden growth of

the capital of Greece is, with reference would by no means despair of Young to the country at large, a positive evil, Greece; there is much to admire in a brilliant excrescence, which owes her, especially ber schools, university, its existence altogether to the artificial and the wonderful culture of her attraction of the nutritive fluids of the deathless language in its most recent body politic to one prominent point, shape; and only in a fit of foolish petwhile the largest and most useful tishness would any Englishman enlimbs are left without their natural tertain the thought of blotting her supply. If there are shining white again out of the map of nations, for palaces, and green Venetian blinds, any of the many sins she has commitin one Greek city, there is desolation ted, whether by her own fault, orand dreariness, stagnation and every what we suspect to be the real truth sort of barbarism, in the fields. But — by the ignorant and officious agency “commerce flourishes;" it has doubled, of German bureaucratists, Anglosays Sir A. Alison, since the battle French constitutionalists, and Musof Navarino. Be it so. Patras is a covite diplomatists. Nevertheless, in goodly city, preferable, in some points, so slippery a science as politics, and to Athens, we think ; but were there with creatures so difficult to manage not rich merchants at Hydra before as human beings, it is always better to the Revolution ? and are the Greeks avoid the temptation of drawing paat Patras more prosperous than at noramic pictures in rose colour; and Salonica, at Odessa, at Trieste, at with regard to Greece, a country to Leghorn, at Manchester? There were which humauity owes so much, our always clever merchants among the first duty, in the present very critical Greeks, jast as generally as there are state of Europe, is to look soberly at sharp bankers and money-changers a reality full of perilous problems, among Jews and Armenians. We and to possess our souls in patience.

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