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such a critical moment the vacillating character of Frederick-William strongly contrasted with the firmness of the young emperor Francis Joseph. When informed of what was passing at Berlin, his Majesty observed that the treaty was signed; that it was duly ratified by the two sovereigns; and that all that remained now was, to execute it that if any demur arose on that head, and if Prussia meant by her objections the non-recognition of the engagements she had knowingly, and of her own accord, bound herself to, Austria could not but regard such refusal as a casus belli,-for most assuredly Austria would make no concession. This firmness of the youthful sovereign produced the desired effect. It put an end to the ministerial crisis ; and the good understanding which the treaty, and which one of the contracting parties appeared desirous of interrupting, was once more, and, we trust, permanently established. One of the first consequences of that restored good-feeling was, the signing of the protocol by the representatives of the four Powers, which annexes the Austro-Prussian treaty to the AngloFrench convention. The object of the Berlin treaty was, the protection of the political, moral, and material interests of the great German Confederation, which have been seriously injured, and would be seriously menaced in future by the continued and indefinite occupation of the Danubian Principalities, and the farther advance into the Ottoman territory of the Russian armies. That fact is expressly stated in the additional article of the treaty; and in the instrument itself the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia declare that "it appertains to Germany to fulfil a high mission at the close of the present war, in order to provide against a future which could not be otherwise than fatal to the general wellbeing of Europe." The adhesion of the German Confederation to this treaty would complete the grand alliance which the grasping ambition of Russia has raised up against


most assuredly coincides with her interests. Austria has once more taken the lead in the political affairs of Germany. It was at Vienna that the conference of the four Powers was established; it was at Vienna that these schemes were adopted, which emanated from the desire, and the necessity, of maintaining the peace of Europe; and it was there also that the important treaty of Berlin and the additional articles were drawn up. We have little doubt that if Austria carries out with the same firmness the obligations she has contracted in her own interest and that of Europe, she will derive the greatest benefit from them, and that, even in a more selfish point of view, she will find that, on this as on all occasions, honesty is the best policy. It has been the fashion among a certain class of French politicians for the last forty or fifty years, to predict, at no very distant period, the fall of the British empire; and even the wretched Ledru Rollin has written two or three stupid volumes with the object of proving, no doubt to his own satisfaction, and to that of people of his calibre, that the hour of England's decline had long ago arrived, that her wonderful career of prosperity was arrested, and that the only thing she had to do was, to prepare herself as decently as possible for her final fall. It was, however, some security that M. Ledru Rollin continued to stay in our doomed country, as it showed that we were safe, at all events, for another year or so. Similar predictions have been made over and over again about the Austrian empire; and, in truth, there was a period within the last few years when its dismemberment was, even by the most incredulous, deemed inevitable. Many a time during the five-and-twenty years spent in the great struggle of the republican and imperial period of France, it was believed that the last hour of Austria had sounded, and that she had long lost her place among the great powers of Europe. She has nevertheless struggled through the tempest; and when she recovered her authority, she recovered it without serious loss, and without a rival over all Germany. The empire that, to all appearance, had been solidly established in 1814,

We have dwelt at some length on the line adopted by Austria in this matter, because we cannot help feeling that it redounds to her honour, as it

was again shaken to its foundation in forced to succumb. Those family in1848. Its capital and its provinces fluences are, as we have said, purely were ravaged at the same time by personal, and do not affect the nation civil and by external war; the impe- at large, who will not allow their rial family had to fly from Vienna, country to be degraded into a satellite and seek refuge in the depths of the of Russia. Prussia, the most imporTyrolese mountains. All Germany tant member of the Germanic confedeseemed to rise and make a last effort ration after Austria, will not suffer to shake off her domination, to form that confederation to descend to the one compact body, to cast loose Aus- rôle of a commission charged with tria, and to confer the supreme and Russian interests, and established in anited power on Prussia. Not much the very heart of Germany. The more than a year has gone by since Prussian nation will not tolerate it, Austria sustained against Prussia a merely because the sister of the king lengthened struggle on the commercial happens to be the Empress of Russia. constitution of Germany; and in that It is true that other titles and other struggle Austria certainly had not the honours have been lavishly scattered best part. Yet she again issued safe by the Czar among the officers of the out of her trials; and on the occasion Prussian army, with the view of purto which we have just referred, she chasing their goodwill

, and seducing succeeded in regaining all her prepon- them from their daty as Germans. In derance. The revolution is no longer many instances this has been successvisible on the theatre where it was ful; but we have heard that the suctriumphant; the coolness which ex- cess is principally confined to what isted between her and England has may be termed the more aristocratic disappeared, and she is once more classes of the army, and that among avited to her ancient and faithful ally the cavalry, for instance, a decidedly by an obligation of the noblest kind strong feeling exists at this moment in the maintenance of the independence favour of Russia. The officers who of Western Europe against an over- have been decorated by the Emperor grown and unscrupulous Power. of Russia, take particular care to ex

While the gratitude of Austria to- bibit in public their stars and ribbons, wards Russia for her powerful aid in as if in contempt of public opinion, 1849, is alleged as a powerful reason and as an indication of their sympathy againt a community of action with for the Russian cause. This is not, the maritime powers, the ties of however, the only motive for their relationship existing between King conduct. They see in the Emperor of Frederick-William and the Emperor Russia a protection against revolution; Nicholas-the Czarina being the sister and this, considering the class to wbich of the former-are regarded as render the cavalry officers generally belong, ing impossible the co-operation of is not very extraordinary. NeverthePrussia with England and France. less, we are persuaded that the discloWe admit the full force of such a cir- sures in the correspondence of Sir cumstance, particularly on a mind like Hamilton Seymour must have prothat of the King of Prussia. But these duced, even upon the persons of whom inflaences are merely personal. The we speak, a great effect; their parPrassian monarchy is not any longer tialities must have received a rude a pure despotism, where the will of the shock on the perusal of these letters, Sovereign is the law of the nation. and have singularly cooled down their Prussia enjoys, in a more or less im- zeal. The most ardent admirers of perfect form, a representative regime; the Emperor Nicholas must have felt the press is, to a certain extent, free; his face burn with shame and indignaand there are sufficient means to ascer- tion at the contemptuous manner in tain the direction, and estimate the which he affected to ignore the exisforce, of public opinion. On other and tence of Prussia as one of the states equally important occasions, the king of Europe ; and it is impossible to whose weakness and infirmity of pur- doubt that, in the event of the success pose are proverbial, ran counter to of Russia, her acts, so far as Prussia public opinion, and the king was is concerned, would be in conformity with her words, or rather with her that it will inspire the army and the silence. But Prussia, as well as Aus- people with patriotic ardour. tria, has approved and sanctioned, In this alliance against barbarismin as solemn a manner as such an act on the triumph of which the safety of is capable of, the measures adopted by Western Europe, as well as of Turthe maritime powers. She has, in key depends-in this great league common with her sister of the Ger- which does honour to our times, two manic confederation, declared that of the most powerful nations of the England and France acted right in earth, gre in the arts of peace and supporting Turkey against the pre- war, have laid aside their rivalries tensions of Russia. The ultimatum, and jealousies, have forgotten or forpresented in the name of the powers given past hatreds and wrongs, and to Russia, was approved by her, as with sincerity of purpose have sacrialso the subsequent declaration officed on the altar of the public good war by the English and French gove the animosities of centuries. Nothing ernments. In fact, every step succes- can be more exciting, and at the same sirely adopted by these two powers in time more noble, than that glorious defence of the integrity of Turkey, and fraternisation of France and England conscquently against Russia, has been by sea and land;-the Zouave and the repeatedly sanctioned, including that British grenadier fighting side by side, which annexes the Anglo-French con- and the union-jack and the tricolor, with vention, and the Austro - Prussian all the stirring memories they call up, treaty, to the engagements comprised waving over the same sea, and meeting in the protocol of the 9th April. We as they never yet have met. The cause have already observed that we do not is not exclusively French or English, set much importance on the delay of it is that of Europe ; and no state, Prussia and Austria in commencing however small, and with the slightest hostilities in the field. In the present pretensions to civilisation, can hesiinstance, the priority of the declaration tate to lend a hand to the good work. of war belongs properly to the powers If there be any, however, which, that have already made it. With re- owing to its circumscribed territory, spect to France in particular, her geo- or acting under the influence of a sergraphical position enabled her to do so vile Prince, or from any other motive, without loss of time. But bad Prus. shall draw back from the common sia drawn the sword two months ago, cause, that state should be placed as was so often demanded by the pub- under the ban of Europe. Whatever lic, with her troops not yet organised be its form of government, whatever nor concentrated, and Russia with her be its creed-Catholic, Protestant, or one hundred thousand men in Poland, Greek, if it refuse to respond to the the Prussian territory would have call, it should be excluded from the been at once invaded at a moment it society of Europe ; and the law of the was most unprepared. Those who Greek legislator, which pronounced believed that it was by negotiation, and degradation and death on the citizen by temporising, that the great German who, when his country was in peril, powers would be induced to assume did not fly to its aid, should be apthe same active attitudes as France plied to it. In such circumstances, and England, were in error. It is each state ought to be regarded as a rather our own determination of pur- citizen of the great European compose, our vigour and energy of action, monwealth ; the useless or the renaand our success, that will lead them gade member has no claim to protecinto co-operation. When they find tion, and cannot expect to be mainthat they have not to deal with Ras- tained in the rights which it has forsia single-handed, that they have not feited by cowardice or treachery. the undivided burden of the war to It will not be irrelevant if, after support, they will then join us in the noticing the conditions of the larger field ; and we have little doubt that States, and weighing the reasons which, the thunder of the cannon so near their in our judgment, render their co-operafrontier will be itself an appeal to tion with the Western governments a which the nation will not be deaf, and matter of peremptory obligation, even 113 one of regard to their own interest, of her triumph, Piedmont is, perhaps, we say a few words about the second- the most exposed to danger. Her ary States, and the peculiar position great crimes are, her form of governof each, both as respects Russia, and ment, and her invasion of the Austhe Powers to whom it is expected trian territory, unjustifiable we do that they will afford their co-opera- not hesitate to admit, under Charles tion. Among those States that enjoy Albert. But the Constitution of Pieda form of government more or less mont, wbich bas survived the ruin of similar to that of France and England, so many others, because it is moderate, and who for that reason are particu- and suited to the babits of the people, larly obnoxious to Russia, Spain and and which has been so faithfully rePortugal, though the most distant spected by the king, and maintained from the theatre of war, and there- by the people; its religious and secufore less exposed to its effects, are lar reforms, and the probability of among the first that ought to come their progress ; the loyalty to the forward. It may even be a question house of Savoy, and the attachment whether these countries are not bound to the order of things created by by the spirit of the Quadruple Alliance, the Revolution of 1848, render Piedwhich has not yet terminated, to lend mont an abomination which must be their co-operation. The Quadruple extirpated from the south of Europe. Alliance was formed with the object If we are unable to arrest Russia in of creating and maintaining a system her career, not only would everything which had for its basis the negation like liberal institutions be destroyed of the principle of legitimacy. This in Piedmont, but we believe that, to alliance was intended to be in direct gain over Austria, it would be offered opposition to the coalition inspired as a bribe to her. The integrity and and protected by the Russian Em- political existence of Piedmont, in fact, peror in his character as champion depend on the successful resistance of of legitimacy and absolutism. That the Western Powers; and when the coalition was the instrument with proper moment comes, we have little which he meant to divide Europe, doubt that she will be ready to take and intervene in the quarrels of other part in the sacrifices made in defence States in conformity with the tradi- of Europe, and not maintain, during tional policy of Russia ; to terminate such a crisis as the present, a dangerat some future day what be considers ous neutrality. The manner in which to be a revolutionary system, and to the Sardinian government received the effect the expulsion of their actual official communication of the Anglooccupants from the thrones of Spain French Convention in the beginning and Portugal, and the restoration of of June, affords ground for belief that Dom Miguel and Don Carlos as the the Cabinet of Turin will not be backrepresentatives of the legitimist prin- ward in its co-operation should it beciple, and, in his eyes, the only right- come necessary. M. Cavour, in bis refal sovereigns of their countries. The ply to the English and French minisquestion of religion, too, occupies an ters, bestowed the greatest praise on important place in this consideration. what he termed “the disinterested deHis treatment of the Catholics of Po- votedness" with which the two Powers land shows that the Czar bates quite pursued in common the triumph of the as strongly the Christian sects that only policy which could re-establish differ from the Orthodox faith, as he peace on a solid basis; and be exdoes the Mussulman. Non-orthodox pressed his hope, in the name of the Christians are equally unbelievers in king and government, “that their his eyes; and in bis twofold charac- noble efforts will be crowned with ter as restorer of absolutism on the that success which every Power should thrones of Europe, and defender of desire who has really at heart the indeOrthodoxy, Spain and Portugal have pendence of the States, and the maineverything to fear from his success. tenance of the balance, of Europe."

Among the secondary states of Were Russia in possession of one Europe which would find little mercy of the shores of the Adriatic, neither at the hands of Russia, in the event the King of Naples nor the Grand VOL. LXXVI.-NO. CCCCLXV.


Duke of Tuscany would have reason to feel satisfied in such a neighbourhood; and the former would do well to lose no time in preparing himself for a perpetual vassalage, if he will not avail himself of the present opportunity of winning some credit for his troops by rendering service to the rest of Europe. The principle laid down by Switzerland, up to the moment we write, has been that of strict neutrality. This may be all very fine in words or on paper, but we much doubt the possibility of any State placed so near the theatre of war, or the power that will be engaged in it, to maintain its neutrality. The question, as the Swiss Confederation must well know, is not now one of mere secondary interest. The Swiss are better aware than any one, that the general interest of Europe is at stake, and that there is no country which is more exposed than Switzerland. Such neutrality as she would maintain has been always difficult, and, in the present instance, it is impossible. It is not now for the first time that Switzerland has to learn that her independence is essentially connected with the balance of power in Europe, and that if this balance were destroyed, or seriously disturbed, her independence would not be worth a month's purchase. Her co-operation with the other states of Europe, in a question of such vital importance to all, she is not merely bound in honour to afford, but her existence as an independent Confederation obliges her not to refuse it. We are therefore of opinion that Switzerland may fairly be comprised in the States that will assist, when the time comes for general and armed resistance to Muscovite ambition.

stantinople, would be to seize on that petty kingdom, which, even in times of peace, and under the most favourable circumstances, only subsists by means of the subsidy granted to her by the allies. But the conversations of the Emperor of Russia with our minister have shown pretty clearly the sort of benevolence which Russia feels towards King Otho, and his avowed determination not to tolerate any extension of his territory; but, with the full knowledge of all this, the clear-sighted and clever Otho commenced war against Turkey, and consequently against Turkey's allies, well knowing how that war, so far as he is concerned, must end. It has ended in the occupation of the Greek territory by a few thousands of the allied forces; in the blockade of its coasts, and the consequent interruption of all communication between the insurgent subjects of the Porte and the Hellenic bands; in the absolute submission of the king; his humiliating apology; his promises of amendment for the future, pronounced in presence of the English and French ministers, whose advice he had scornfully rejected; the dismissal of the ministry who were his accomplices in that mad attempt; and the nomination of new advisers long known for their determined resistance to Russian influence, and decidedly friendly to the Western powers. How King Otho, or his queen, who is the fanatical partisan of Russia, or his ministers, could for a moment suppose that Greece would be tolerated in her open partisanship, is what we cannot conceive, unless we presume upon a greater absence of intellect than even that which his Majesty has hitherto got credit for. To declare war against Greece would be absurd; and many motives would prevent us from overthrowing an independence which we have done so much to found. Perhaps, after the occupation of her territory, the severest penalty that we might impose on that ungrateful government would be to demand payment of the debt she owes us; and as it is probable that the answer would be anything but satisfactory to the creditor, to take the best security we might find. Greece has already keenly felt the effects of her conduct to the

Of Greece, or rather the Greek Government, so much has been said recently, that any particular allusion to it is scarcely necessary. Notwithstanding the analogy between the religious faith of Greece and Russia, the merest reflection and the simplest common sense ought to have ranked her in the number of our allies; for even supposing the disclosures of Sir Hamilton Seymour to have been kept secret from the world, there can be little doubt that one of the first acts of Russia, after the conquest of Con

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