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nada en ello (I, 22; II, 180) 1. Cf. also ir interés en que (1): no les iba algún interés en que [Leandra] fuese mala o buena (I, 51; III, 452).

recibir merced (1): Señor galán, si es que vuesa merced lleva el camino que nosotros y no importa el darse priesa, merced recibiría [yo] en que fuésemos juntos (II, 16; IV, 315) 2. puesto (1): Pero él iba tan puesto en que eran gigantes que ni oía las voces de su escudero ni echaba de ver .. lo que eran (I, 8; I, 265).

After porfiar, however, the direct complementary clause is always found. Cf. porfían que ésta no es bacía sino yelmo (I, 45; III, 319). Here porfiar is asseverative in value, as it is also in II, 8; IV, 172. But in the majority of cases it carries a final implication. Cf. porfiaba con él que se levantase (I, 3; I, 129). Cf. also I, 34; III, 74; — I, 45; III, 332(2); — II, 31; V, 147; — II, 44; V, 393 3.

1 Cejador, Leng., II, 623a interprets «no teniendo en ello interés alguno ». Cf. also: ¿qué le iba a vuestra merced en volver tanto por aquella reina i Magimasa, o cómo se llama ? O ¿ qué hace al caso que aquel Abad fuese su amigo, o no? (I, 25; II, 275). A few pages further on we find: mas que lo fuesen [amancebados], ¿qué me va a mí? (I, 25; II, 278). This latter example offers difficulty. Is the que purely concessive in value? (Cejador, op. cit., 709b interprets pero, aunque »). Or do we have que instead of en que by analogy to hacer al caso, importar? (Cf. also ¿ qué me da a mí que? p. 211). Note that the que clause precedes. It is quite probable that Cervantes started out to say: que lo fuessen ¿qué me importa? (or ¿qué hace al caso?), but later shifted to a ર verb similar in meaning but different in construction. (This process is quite frequent in Cervantes. Cf. p. 238). The concessive value is imparted to the clause, not by mas or que, but by the meaning of the governing verb.

2 We should normally expect de after recibir merced. Cf. recibir gusto de que, p. 245. Here we have en by influence of tener gusto en. Cf. also: recibo gusto en oíllo (I, 32; II, 487) and recibiré merced en ello (II, 4; IV, 115).

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3 Porfiar asseverative has a strong transitive tendency, having largely the value of << afirmar, mantener con empeño » (cf. apostar transitive = « mantener con apuesta », p. 70, note 2). Cf. todos los que aquí están se atrevan a decir y afirmar que ésta no es bacía, ni aquélla albarda; mas como veo que lo afirman y lo dicen, me doy a entender que no carece de misterio el porfiar una cosa tan

2). Representing the Intrinsic Complementary Relation of « Point of Cessation of Motion ». This category does not occur in the novels of Galdós selected for study; cf., nevertheless, the parar en que clause from Realidad cited below.

detenerse (1) En lo que se detuvo don Quijote en que Sancho subiese en el alcornoque tomó el de los Espejos del campo lo que le pareció necesario (II, 14; IV, 298) 1.

parar (3); todo ha parado en que la muchacha es ya monja (II, 66; VI, 328). Cf. also II, 7; IV, 158 and II, 56; VI, 136 2. - Parar en que is also found in Galdós : Tanto quijotismo viene a parar en que el fin hay que casar a la descendiente de los Viera de Acuña con ese... ¿cómo se llama? (Realidad, Madrid, 1915, III, 1).

reparar (1): Díjele yo a Don Fernando en lo que reparaba el padre de Luscinda que era en que mi padre se la pidiese (I, 27; II, 354) 3.

contraria de lo que nos muestra la misma verdad (I, 45; III, 327). Consequently, since there is very little distinction in the classic period between the construction of a verb when it is asseverative and when it is volitive in value (cf. resolverse, concluir, persuadir, etc. pp. 216, 217, 222, etc.) the transitive construction of porfiar extends to all meanings of the verb. That this usage is not universal, however, in the classic period, is shown by the following example : El porfiaua en que le cumpliesen lo que le auian ofrecido (Fernández de Ribera, Mesón del mundo, f. 133 cited by Rodríguez Marín, vol. I, p. 50). Unlike apostar, in modern Spanish porfiar and the more frequent insistir are always found, in the literary language at least, with en que. Cf. p. 70. - In French, the distinction between the asseverative and the volitive is maintained. Cf. j'insiste que and j'insiste pour que. · Porfiar en infinitive occurs in II, 5; IV, 135, but in II, 48; V, 471 we find porfiar a querer. Cf. p. 252, note 1.

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1 Here detenerse << tardarse, ocuparse » and en, as Cuervo, Dicc., II, 1195a, says, is used « para expresar, en el concepto de punto donde uno está parado, el objeto con que se le ocupa o distrae ». Cf. English « stop for ». Cf. notes on parar and reparar, below.

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2 Cf. concluir en que, p. 216, note 1. Cf. also reparar, below. 3 In the above example reparar << parar, detenerse ». Such is its usual meaning in the Quijote (and one of its regular meanings in modern Spanish). For examples, cf. Cejador, Leng., II, 952a. This signification, however, as can be seen in the following example, readily develops into «hacer caso » : Mas

d. Con Introduces the Complementary Clause.

1). Representing the Intrinsic Complementary Relation of « Means » or « Instrument ».

contentarse (2): sólo me contento con que el gran don Quijote se retire a su lugar un año (II, 64; VI, 302). Cf. also II, 56; VI, 128. After the adjective contento (1): Con que me pagase el señor don Quijote alguna parte de las hechuras que me ha deshecho quedaría contento (II, 26; V, 67). — In view of the pre-position of the con que clause, it may also be interpreted as the supplementary con que = « con tal que ».

In two cases we find the direct complementary clause. Cf. mas consuélome que he hecho lo que debía (II, 43; V, 374); deja pendiente el autor desta historia esta batalla, disculpándose que no halló más escrito destas hazañas de don Quijote de las que deja referidas (I, 8; I, 292). These examples, however, may be said to represent, not the use of a que clause instead of con que clause, but rather the use of a que clause instead of a de que clause where the modern Spanish would require con que 1.

Pedro, no reparando en niñerías, prosiguió su cuento (I, 12; I, 362). The point of cessation then becomes the relative object. From the value of « hacer caso » to that of << mirar, advertir, notar» the step is slight and in modern Spanish reparar is frequently found with this latter meaning, construed either transitively or with en and the relative object. Cf. p. 74. The verbs parar and reparar afford an excellent illustration of how what was originally an adverbial supplement develops into the prepositional complement, the relative object, and finally the direct object, according as the verb, being applied to the realm of the nonmaterial, loses more and more of its original concrete meaning and becomes more and more abstract in value. Cf. p. 78, note 1.

1 De properly introduces the relative object, the thing concerning which the consolation is felt or the excuse is made, while con properly introduces the instrumental complement, the thing by which one is consoled or excuses one's self. (For examples of de and con in this usage after consolar(se) and disculpar(se), cf. Cuervo, Dicc., II, pp. 421a, ff. and 1249a, ff.). But these regimes are often confused in the classic period, de being used when we should expect con and

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e. Por Introduces the Complementary Clause.

1). Representing the Intrinsic Complementary Relation of Exchange ».

dar un ardite (1): Voto a Rus dijo Sancho - no dé yo un ardite por que me digan lo que por mí ha pasado (II, 25; V, 39) 1.

pagar (1): Y pagar yo por que me digan lo que ya sé sería una gran necedad (II, 25; V, 39).

2). Representing the Intrinsic Complementary Relation of « Goal of Effort or Desire ».

morir (1) ya te entiendo, Sancho,

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respondió don Quijote tú mueres por que te alce el entredicho que te tengo puesto en la lengua (I, 25; II, 275). Cf. morían por saber qué hombre fuese aquél tan fuera del uso de los otros (II, 19; IV, 379). Cf. also II, 6; IV, 143.

vice-versa. Cf. contentarse, p. 208, note 2. Consequently, que being frequently used instead of de que to introduce the relative-object clause, we find que instead of con que. Cuervo, loc. cit., gives other examples of consolarse que

and disculparse que.

1 Cf. dársele un maravedí por que, p. 154. Cf. also dársele algo de que, p. 211. These examples with por que and the ones with de que provide an excellent illustration of the difference between complements of Group I and those of Group II. When the verb dar possesses its original concrete value, the indirect complementary relationship is equally clearly manifested in the meaning both of the verb and of the preposition (por). When the governing element takes on a more abstract meaning (i. e., «hacer al caso »), the indirect complement loses its concrete prepositional value, and is introduced by a preposition greatly lacking in definite and independent content (de); more light is thrown upon the meaning of the de que clause by the meaning of the governing element than by that of the preposition; in other words, the governing element becomes more transitive in character, and the complement approaches the direct object in value and is classed among the relative objects.

CHAPTER III

EXTRINSIC COMPLEMENTS

With regard to extrinsic complements, the status in the Quijote is, in general, quite similar to that in Galdós 1. De, a, en, and sobre occur introducing extrinsic complementary clauses. There is one doubtful case of a extrinsic complementary con que clause.

a. De Introduces the Complementary Clause. There are only two examples of an extrinsic complementary de que clause.

1). Specifying the Extrinsic Complementary Relation of « Concerning ».

decir nada (1): De que vuesa merced, señor caballero, haya vencido a los más caballeros andantes de España, y aún de todo el mundo, no digo nada (II, 14; IV, 285) 2.

2). Specifying the Extrinsic Complementary Relation of « Cause ». tenerse por dichoso (1): ella se tendría por dichoso de que todo el mundo sepa que es querida y servida de un tal caballero como vuestra merced parece (I, 13; I, 396). In this case we should normally expect tenerse por dichoso en que. De is here used by analogy to contento de, recebir gusto, merced de, etc. 3.

b. A Introduces the Complementary Clause. The governing element is, in every case, a verb of physical motion.

1 Cf. p. 93.

2 Cf. p. 95.

Cf. pp. 208, 209. Cuervo, Dicc., II, 1213a, cites numerous examples of dichoso en, but none with de. Cf. also hallarse dichoso en que, p. 164.

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