have come to be used with clauses, we can see from their meaning that there is nothing unnatural in the fact that they did not develop such usage 1.

Of the prepositions capable of introducing clauses, which are de, a, en, con, por, sobre, sin, para, desde, hasta, según, pues, mientras and tras, a certain number are always possessed of definite and independent content and always introduce supplementary (or adverb) clauses. These prepositions are sin, para, desde, hasta, según, pues, mientras and tras 2. Certain others, namely por, con, and sobre, are, whenever they denote cause, proviso, or addition, respectively, also possessed of definite and independent content and introduce supplementary clauses 3.

1 Although sobre, for example, is in its basal meaning as definitely concrete as its antonym bajo, nevertheless it, unlike bajo, has developed certain abstract meanings which have facilitated its use before clauses (the Latin super likewise possessed abstract meanings; cf. Hanssen, Gr., § 720). Had bajo (or any preposition in this group) developed abstract meaning, which, from the purely logical point of view, it is equally capable of doing, we should expect to find bajo que, etc. clauses. But from the standpoint of the practical needs of the language, it can readily be seen why certain prepositions have been restricted to purely concrete meanings, while others have developed abstract value, since it is necessary that we possess means of expressing without possibility of confusion relations that are essentially concrete as well as those that are essentially abstract. Ante, bajo, cabe, contra, entre, hacia, and so, either because of their basal meaning or because of the existence of other words which are virtually synonymous and which have developed abstract value, have in Spanish been restricted to denote purely concrete activity.

2 Whenever tras introduces a clause it has the value of « además de ». Tras que clauses are rather rare and none occur in Galdós; cf., however, the following example from the Lazarillo: Y el pueblo se junto; el qual andaua murmurando de las bullas, diziendo como eran falsas y que el mesmo alguazil riñendo lo auia descubierto; de manera que, tras que tenian mala gana de tomalla, con aquello del todo la aborrescieron (57, 4 in Burgos edition alone).

3 Examples of con and sobre with values of proviso and addition, respectively, are found in Galdós; cf. Sobre que le opinión del mundo no significa nada para mí, no es bien que yo tome sus consejos ni que tú te atrevas a dármelos (Naz. 58, 26); i Cuántos existirán tal vez que se crean felices sólo con que Vd. lo sea! (Font. 249, 26).

In addition to the above simple prepositions, supplementary clauses are introduced by compound prepositions formed by adverbs or adverbial phrases and the vicarious preposition de, e.g., antes de, después de, además de, con tal de 1.

On the other hand, the preposition de, a, and en are possessed of such a wide range of meaning and have, as a consequence, such an abstract and indefinite value that they can rightly be regarded as lacking in definite and independent content. The same is true, to a far less extent, of the prepositions con, por, and sobre, which, as we have seen above, likewise possess definite and independent content. 2 The extent to which these six prepositions lack definite and independent content varies in each individual case; de lacks it to the greatest extent, a, en, con, por, and sobre follow in the order named. Furthermore, it will be seen that the relative frequency of occurrence of these prepositions in complementary clauses varies directly with the extent to which they lack definite and independent content. De is by far the most frequent, a and en are both fairly common, although a occurs somewhat more frequently than en, con is rather infrequent, por is comparatively rare, and sobre occurs but once.

2. DIRECT COMPLEMENTARY CLAUSES USED AFTER GOVERNING ELEMENTS THAT REQUIRE PREPOSITIONAL NOUN OR INFINITIVE COMPLEMENTS. In Old Spanish and in the classical period the direct complementary clause was frequently used where, in modern Spanish, we should expect a prepositional complementary clause. This formerly extensive use of the direct complementary clause has not entirely disappeared in modern Spanish. In Galdós we

1 Cf. p. 101.

2 In Old Spanish de, a, and en were also used under circumstances in which they possessed both definite and independent content. Cf. p. 112.

find a few examples, which are entirely confined to use after governing elements of Group I 1. After each of these governing elements, however, the prepositional clause occurs much more frequently. Furthermore, all examples occur in passages in which the author is reproducing conversational speech 2. This type of the direct complementary clause must not be confused with the que clause after verbs such as dudar, aguardar, and reparar, which may be construed both transitively and intransitively throughout 3.

3. PREPOSITIONAL SUPPLEMENTARY CLAUSES USED AFTER GOVERNING ELEMENTS THAT NORMALLY TAKE PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTS. Expressions containing an implication of purpose, which are usually followed by prepositional complements in a, may also be followed by prepositional supplements in para, with but little difference in value. Contrast the following clausal examples: tanto le instaron a que la viera que Nazarín pasó tras la cortinilla (Naz. 124, 1); instaba a su mujer para que saliese a tomar el aire (Bringas. 156, 7); - no he dado motivo a que usted me hable de ese modo (Esp. Trág. 209, 5); el no creía dar motivo para que se burlaran como si fuese una mona (Blasco Ibáñez, Flor de Mayo, p. 189). Such para que clauses are infrequent in Galdós, while the complementary a que clause after expressions containing a final implication is one of the most numerous categories.

This double usage is by no means confined to clauses. We

1 For examples, cf. hacer cuenta que, p. 42; estar seguro que, p. 64; acordarse cuando, p. 58; alegrarse que, p. 66; encontrarse qué, p. 75.

2 Such que clauses, which are now incorrect from the standpoint of formal grammar are frequently heard in conversational speech in South America

at least. Even there this usage is chiefly limited to clauses corresponding to those in Group I, although some examples will be heard after governing elements of Group II, Cf. pp. 224, 257.

3 Cf. pp. 59, 74. Cf. also esperar, apostar, pp. 70, 71.

may also say le instaba a hacerlo, eso no da motivo para tales suposiciones, etc. 1 When para is employed, since the preposition indicates by itself the exact nature of the subordinate relation, the implication inherent in the meaning of the governing element is not utilized and the governing element may thus be regarded as used absolutely. Therefore, a mutual complementary relation does not exist between the governing element and the clause (or phrase) with para and the latter is, from this standpoint, a supplement possessing more emphatic final value than the corresponding clause (or phrase) in a. But, since the governing element is one that is ordinarily followed by a complement in modern Spanish, the element in para is felt as having complementary value, and in ordinary speech may be used interchangeably with a. After verbs and verb phrases of the instar, dar motivo type (cf. pp. 82-84) para is used especially frequently when a has already been used to introduce the direct or indirect object; cf. instaba a su mujer para que, etc. Such para que clauses, then, may be called «prepositional supplements that function as prepositional complements ». Cf. por que clauses after expressions of striving, etc. (p. 90) 2.

4. THE COMPLEMENTARY CLAUSE MODIFIED BY THE DEFINITE ARTICLE. The identity of syntactical

1 In point of fact, the infinitive is used more frequently than the que clauses after verbs of the instar type (cf. p. 84).

* In Old Spanish the use of the prepositional supplementary clause after governing elements that take prepositional noun or infinitive complements is more extensive than in the modern speech (cf. por que after expressions of emotion, etc. and fasta que after those of waiting, and explanation for such usage, pp. 118, 119). Para que clauses after expressions of final value are the only ones that survive in modern Spanish, due to the persistence of the use of para with the noun and infinitive also. In certain instances, notably after preparar, valer, servir, para is the regular modern Spanish preposition. Cf. usaba [la monja]... unas antiparras verdes, que... le servían para que las pobrecillas no conocieran cuando las miraba (Font. 53, 20). Cf. p. 225.

treatment between the noun, the infinitive, and the noun clause in modern Spanish is admirably illustrated by the peculiarly Spanish construction by virtue of which the noun clause, like the noun and the infinitive, is modified by the definite article 1. Cf. the following examples from Galdós: Y él fué quien lo convirtió en casa de juego de donde vino el que yo estuviera seis meses en la cárcel (Naz. 260, 21); tuvo que hacer un esfuerzo para perdonarle el que la hubiera llamado cursilona (Desher. 197,9); - un mes después escribió de nuevo, añadiendo que de su comportamiento dependía el que hiciera fortuna (Font. 69, 13) 2.

1 Cf. Meyer-Lübke, Gr., III, § 572; Bello, Gr., §§ 319, 326; Cuervo, Notas, p. 63; Hanssen, Gr., § 650; Wiggers, Gr., p. 199; Forster, Sp. Spr., § 507, 2. Meyer-Lübke is inaccurate in restricting this phenomenon to << propositions-sujet ». Cf. second example from Galdós, above; cf. also Bello, Gr., § 326.

2 The earliest example I have of this construction is from a sixteenth century text: Importúnele que no permita el que esté Vuestra Merced en presencia de tal Magestad sin reverencia, temor, y amor (Ẩv. VI, 78). For example from Cervantes, cf. Weigert, p. 45.-A somewhat similar construction is occasionally found in Old, Middle, and seventeenth century French where ce introduces the subject or the object que clause. Cf. Lemme, Die Syntax des Demonstrativpronomens im Französichen, Diss. Göttingen, Rostock, 1906; Haase, La syntaxe française du XVIIe siècle, Paris, 1898, § 136D.