los caballeros andantes comiesen (I, 10; I, 330). Contrast: nos tener temor (1): que no se tengan temor de que han de hacer The remaining prepositional complementary clauses are: - tener necesidad de que (I, 7; I, 251; — I, 17; II, 20); — con dar The remaining direct complementary clauses are: dar aviso 169; - — II, 4; IV, 108; - II, 12; IV, 259;- II, 5; IV, II, 12; IV, 259; haber fama que (II, 3; IV, 86); - dar fe (I, Prol. ; I, 31); - tener noticia que (I, 52; III, 1 In this example con nombre de means « bajo el nombre de, con pretexto de ». verb phrases such as dar lugar, ser parte, etc 1. But the majority of these governing elements are, as in modern Spanish, more frequently followed by the prepositional complementary clause. The usage in the Quijote does not differ materially from that in the texts of the sixteenth century. 5. OTHER CONSTRUCTIONS USED INSTEAD OF THE PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTARY CLAUSE. Only one example of the proleptic construction occurs in the Quijote de allí le sacaré a pesar del mismo mundo que lo contradiga (I, 44; III, 308) 3. No examples of prepositional infinitive clauses corresponding to prepositional complementary que clauses or of prepositional complementary ca clauses are found 4. 6. PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTARY COMO CLAUSES. Prepositional complementary como clauses are not very frequent in the Quijote, and the situation with regard to these clauses is essentially similar to that in modern Spanish 5. Note the occasional use of de como in chapter-headings. Cf. De cómo salieron con su intención el Cura y el Barbero (I, 27); De cómo el gran Sancho Panza tomó la posesión de su ínsula y del modo que comenzó a gobernar (II, 45). Cf. also: II, 72 and II, 74. But in II, 44 we read: Cómo Sancho Panza fué llevado al gobierno y de la extraña aventura que en el castillo sucedió 1 Cf. pp. 220, 224. · 2 Cf. pp. 206 ff. - - The para que clause also occurs after servir. Cf. p. 23. 3 Gould, Subj. p. 17, includes this example in his treatment of a pesar de que clauses. 4 Cf. pp. 121 ff. 5 Consequently they will not be differentiated in treatment from prepositional complementary que clauses, as was the case in Section I. Cf. p. 122. De como and en como clauses of the type mentioned on p. 122 do not occur in the Quijote. que2. a don Quijote 1. The title never begins with de que or que 7. PREVIOUS DISCUSSIONS. Cejador cites a number of examples of prepositional complementary clauses, but his treatment is far from complete and shows lack of care in the classification of material 3. Gould considers this construction solely from the standpoint of the subjunctive mood 4. Cuervo cites numerous examples from the Quijote throughout his Diccionario de construcción y régimen. Occasional discussions of individual examples are found in the various commentators of the Quijote, the most useful being those of the latest editor, Sr. Rodríguez Marín 5. Weigert treats only a very special phase of the construction, namely, the asyntactical use of the prepositional complementary clause where we should expect the direct complement 6. 1 The use of the forms De and Que trata de plus nouns, etc. is the commonest method of beginning the chapter-heading. Similar to De cómo is the Que trata de cómo. Cf. Que trata de cómo don Quijote se despidió del Duque, etc. (II, 57). Cf. also the succeeding chapter, II, 58. 2 I have no example of a De que clause beginning a title or rubric of any sort. Que occurs in Old Spanish. Cf. pp. 125 ff. 8 * Leng., I, pp. 390, 410, 421, 428-432, 470, 474. In these pages there is considerable confusion between complementary clauses and adverb clauses. For example, on p. 470 the sentence hice señas que leería el papel is included under < oraciones adverbiales de modo », and the de que in the following sentence is called a modal conjunction: cuando más descuidados estámabos de que allí habían de llover más cianís. Cf. p. 203. 4 Subj., pp. 32-33. 5 Such comment is almost entirely limited to calling attention to the fact that in modern Spanish the preposition would be used where in certain cases in the Quijote it is « omitted ». In a number of cases, the examples offering difficulty are passed over unnoticed. • Cf. p. 238. CHAPTER II INTRINSIC COMPLEMENTS In contrast to the situation in the Old Spanish texts and in accord with that in Galdós, intrinsic prepositional complementary clauses are far more frequent in the Quijote than extrinsic complementary clauses 1. I. MORE LIGHT IS THROWN UPON THE NATURE OF THE COMPLEMENTARY RELATION BY THE MEANING OF THE GOVERNING ELEMENT THAN BY THAT OF THE PREPOSITION. It is here, in clauses of Group I, that the usage in the Quijote shows the greatest advance over that found in the texts of the sixteenth century. While in the latter texts prepositional complementary clauses belonging to Group I occur but rarely, in the Quijote they form, as in modern Spanish, the large majority of the total number of examples of the construction 2. The only essential difference between the usage in the Quijote and that in modern Spanish is the fact that in the former, the direct complementary clause is still in wide-spread use 3. Although in some few categories we find a decided predominance of either the prepositional complementary clause or the direct complementary clause, the total number of examples after governing elements of Group I shows an approximately 1 Cf. pp. 26, 155. 2 Cf. pp. 28, 129. 3 Consequently, the examples of the prepositional complementary clause of Group I, although frequent in the Quijote are proportionately less so than in Galdós. equal division between the two constructions 1. In many cases, both constructions are found after the same governing element. A. Determinative Complementary Clauses. This type of prepositional complementary clause is found only sporadically in the texts prior to the Quijote, while in the latter, as in Galdós, it is the most numerous of all the categories. In addition to frequent occurence of the direct complementary clause, the determinative complementary construction shows the following minor points of variation from the usage in Galdós : (1) In Galdós the governing element, when an abstract noun, is more frequently accompanied by an article, while in the Quijote the article is absent in the majority of the examples 2. (2) In the Quijote the abstract noun is in one case preceded by the demonstrative adjective: [lo hizo] sólo para este efecto de que me ausentase (I, 27; II, 356) 3. (3) In the Quijote no examples occur in which the abstract noun is modified by an indefinite article 4. In one case, however, we find the noun modified by an indefinite adjective: debe de tener hecho algún concierto con el demonio de que infunda esa habilidad en el mono, con que gane de comer (II, 25; V, 42). (4) The prepositional complementary clause is occasionally found after the relative lo que. Cf. Agora acabarás de conocer, Sancho hijo, ser verdad lo que otras muchas veces te he dicho 1 Cf. p. 256, for comparison of this phase of the usage in the Quijote with that in the periods already studied. For the situation in the individual cate gories of Group I, cf. pp. 197, etc. (under main rubrics). ? For the modern Spanish usage, cf. p. 32. In Old Spanish the article seldom accompanies an abstract noun. Cf. p. 131. As is so often the case, the usage in the Quijote occupies an intermediate position. ' This phenomenon is very frequent in the older texts. Cf. p. 131. 4 For use in modern Spanish, cf. p. 31. |