CHAPTER III

EXTRINSIC COMPLEMENTS

Prepositional complementary clauses that function as trinsic complements are, in comparison with those that correspond to intrinsic complements, far more frequent in the texts prior to the Quijote than in Galdós. In point of fact, in the texts of the Old Spanish period, there is a greater number of prepositional extrinsic complementary clauses than of prepositional intrinsic complementary clauses, due to the scarcity of the latter type of clause as a result of the widespread use of the direct complementary clause in its place.

a. De Introduces the Complementary Clause.

1). Specifying the Extrinsic Complementary Relation of « Cause ».

a). After Expressions of Emotion. The subordinate clause after expressions of emotion passes through varied stages of development before the uniform syntax of the modern Spanish is reached 1. In the texts of the Old Spanish period we find the following situation:

(1) The most frequent construction in cases where modern Spanish would use the prepositional complementary clause is the supplementary porque clause with the indicative 2. Cf. dixo nuestro señor Dios a Noe ... que se repintiera porque habia fecho home (S. P., I, 5,47); — gloriosse mucho en ello porque

after

1 In modern Spanish either the direct complementary clause (e. g, esperar, temer, and other transitives) or the relative-object clause is used (e. g., after alegrarse, admirarse, etc.). Cf. pp. 64-68.

2 For por aquello que clauses after expressions of emotion, cf. p. 111.

auie uençudo a Ponpeyo (Cr. G., 56a,14);

Et fueron todas

las compannas muy pagadas por que se partiera todo tan bien (ibid., 529b,45); gozandosse por que entendien que Garçi Garciaç se enbargaua con la guarda del ninno (ibid., 669a,20); O Dios sennor commo me marabillo porque pusiestes E al rey

vuestra semejança en omne nescio (Luc., 252,14); plasiele mucho por que querie quemar a su fija (Cav. Cif., 238,28); E el infante muy espantado por que non vido ninguno con quien fablasse (ibid., 314,5).

(2) A number of examples are found of a construction in which the subordinate clause is introduced by de que, de lo que, or daquello que 1.

(a) By de que. In the first example note the preceding de que (relative) in parallel construction.

dolerse (1) la cosa de quessel mas dolie era de que se enueieciera en jogleria (Cr. G., 127a,1). Cf. el huesped doliendosse del porque perdiera su conpañero salio con el (Cav. Cif., 95,20) 2. loçano (1) Tanto que Vitellio sopo que Oto era muerto fuesse pora Roma muy loçano de que uenciera (Cr. G., 130b,9). Cf. mucho es agora loçano porque ... uencio los moros (ibid., 396b,20) el pesar (1): E no suffriera Vespasiano del fazer estas crueldades si non por el grand pesar que auie de quel matara ell hermano (Cr. G., 132b,10). Cf. los asturianos conseiaron esto de fazarse ...con grand pesar que auien porque... non fueron ellos y llamados (ibid., 391a,1).

en quexo (1): estaua estonces Philippo en quexo de que non tenie de que complir cosas quel era mester (Cr. G., 221b,11). Cf. Et fue Dario muy quexado por que assi fincaua desdennado dellos (ibid., 2218,25).

1 For de como clauses after expressions of emotion, cf. p. 127.

2 For further example of this type of proleptic construction, cf. p. 120.

- The usual type of prolepsis is frequent. Cf. pesol de myo cid que es metido (Cid. 1622). Cf. p. 120.

...

con alegria (1): llegaron los emperadores a Roma con muy grand alegria de que auien conquistas todas las tierras del mundo (Cr. G., 178a,9). Cf. mostro hy grandes alegrias por que uenciera a Gerion (ibid., 10a,17).

...

con uerguenna (1): et desi sopo en como aquel so uassallo en cuya figura aquel pareciera, que estaua encerrado en la eglesia con uerguenna que auie de que se non acertara en aquella fazienda (Cr. G., 426b,45) 1. Cf. se mato por verguenza que hobo porque fue fallado en el malfecho de que lo acusaron (S. P., VII, 1,24). pesar (3) pese a Dios del cielo de que vos mis primas et mis sennoras aqui yazedes (Cr. G., 609a,46); — les non fue otorgada la pasada a esos onrrados moros a que mucho peso de que el paso ouieron preso et sse presos vieron (ibid., 766a,26); Maynete no pesaba menos de que ella quedaba tan triste (Ultr., 184b) 2. Cf. El rey quando aquello oyo pesol mucho por que fiziera el palacio abrir (ibid., 307b,12).

e a

marauillado (1): el fue muy marauillado de quel tremie assy su carne (Cr. G., 628b,1).

(b) By de lo que.

pesar (1) los castellanos pesandoles mucho de lo que ... donna Vrraca... diera las fortalezas et los castiellos al rey de Aragon, etc. (Cr. G., 647a,10).

(c) By daquello que.

pesar et dolerse (1): el rey don Alffonsso de Portogal, pesandol et doliendosse daquello que el rey don Fernando ... poblaua

1 Ms. I reads des que. All others, however, read de que. Comparison with the example from the S. P. tends to strengthen the interpretation of this de que as causal, and not temporal. Cf. de que « ya que », p. 174; nevertheless, de que as an independent causal conjunction (with the value of either « ya que » or « porque ») is not yet firmly established. Cf. loc. cit. and p. 158, note 3.

2 This example occurs in the part covered only by the printed version of 1503; nevertheless, in view of the preceding examples from the Cr. G., there is a strong possibility that the original ms. reading is likewise de que

...

Çipdat Rodrigo enuio a don Sancho con su hueste contra el (Cr. G., 675a,15).

Whenever in the above examples it is possible to determine definitely the mood of the subordinate clause, it is the indicative. Now the non-clausal element after expressions of emotion is generally, as in modern Spanish, an intrinsic complement introduced by de, i. e., the relative object. Cf. desto nos pagamos (Cid, 141,146, etc.) 1. Consequently in the above de que, etc. clauses we may regard the use of de instead of por to introduce the subordinate clause as arising by analogy to the use of de before the non-clausal complement. But, as evidenced by the use of the indicative mood, the causal value of these de que, de lo que, and daquello que clauses is still too strong to permit of their being classed as relative-object clauses. They therefore occupy an intermediate position between prepositional supplementary and intrinsic complements 2. Furthermore, the nature of the subordinate relation is not indicated by the meaning of the preposition alone, since de que, unlike por que, does not exist as a definite and independent causal conjunction.3 Consequently, such clauses must be classed as extrinsic complements.

The above examples of extrinsic complementary clauses after expressions of emotion are, with one exceptions, confined to the Cr. G. None are found later than the Ultr. If this construction had persisted we would have in modern Spanish the equivalent of the French de ce que with the indicative, where

1 The non-clausal complements show so little difference from the modern Spanish usage that further examples are not cited.

2 Cf. era alegre que, p. 160, note 1.

3 The few examples of de que and de lo que that occur after expressions other than those of emotion are of doubtful validity (cf. p. 174). However, if the

use of de que as a definite and independent causal conjunction had been firmly established in the language, we should regard the examples under discussion as pure supplementary clauses, just as the corresponding examples with por que.

the complement is viewed as the cause of the emotion rather than the thing about which the emotion is manifested.

(3) Still another construction is found in the Old Spanish period, i. e., the subordinate clause introduced directly by que. Except in the Cr. G., this type of clause is more frequent than the de que, etc. construction, but it is far less common than the supplementary porque clause. Cf. querellandose algunos que... corren aguas que les facen daño en sus heredades (S. P., III, 16,30) 1; - fueron mal repentidos que non lo degallaron (Mil., 153c); maguer que se quieran repentir ... non pueden con verguença que los non retrayan que por mengua de buen seso se engannaron (Cav. Cif., 18,8); pagome que lo veo (Gatos, I, 5). In the Old Spanish texts the indicative is the mood normally employed in que clauses of this type 2. Nevertheless, they are not fully causal in value. They represent

...

1 Cf. quejandose alguno deciendo que fulan home le diere etc. (S. P., VII, 1,21). Querellarse and quejarse may consequently be classed as declarative rather than affective verbs. Cf. p. 68.

2 In the Old Spanish texts the single governing element after which the que clause occurs most frequently is the verb plazer. But after this verb the subjunctive always occurs in the que clause. Cf. mucho me plase que vayades (Cav. Cif., 162,30); plazerme ya que lo supiesedes (Luc., 144,13). The subjunctive comes into use after this verb because of its close relation in meaning to verbs of willing and wishing, especially in expressions of the type: al Criador plega que ayades ende sabor (Cid, 2100), where plazer is distinctly volitive in value. Contrast the types: plogol a mio Cid porque creçio (ibid., 304) and esto plogo al rey (ibid., 2164). Through the analogical interplay of these types the construction me plase que vayades arises and finally supersides the older usage with porque and the indicative. The new construction is an intrinsic complementary clause functioning as the grammatical suject of plazer.-The impersonal pesar does not show the same early development of the subjunctive mood, not being connected with idea of volition. The general Old Spanish types are: pesa esto al buen rey (Cid, 2825); — pesame porque fue adelante (Cav. Cif., 147,16). The simple que also occurs, but with the indicative. Cf. muchol pesaua Que aun la fazienda tan en peso estaua (Alex., 1223c).The use of the indicative persists in the Quijote. Cf. p. 210. - The part played by the impersonal expressions of emotion in the development from por que causal to intrinsic complementary que remains to be investigated; cf. p. 160, note 2.