it without a parliamentary reform, the nation will be plunged into new ways. "If an Englishman," said the great Frederick of Prussia," has no knowledge of IN SIX VOLUMES-VOL, I. London: PRINTED FOR BALDWIN, CRADOCK, AND JOY, PATERNOSTER-ROW. 53610820 DEDICATION TO THE HAMPDEN SOCIETY. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, THE Author believing these pregnant times to be labouring with causes leading to a recovery of the English Constitution, from that malady which is no less apparent than the noon-day sun, he has felt encouraged not only to revise and improve the last four volumes of the present series, but likewise to compose those two which, from the nature of their contents, now stand the first in order. Whether a Dedication be designed to give praise or to receive protection, the Author has but one choice :-To the HAMPDEN SOCIETY he dedicates his work. Among his motives, are gratitude and hope. To patriot men, who associate to save his country, he feels gratitude. By the exertions of a phalanx drawn from the landed interest, a phalanx whose numbers, whose talents, whose property and honourable characters, give weight to their opinion, and influence to their example, he is inspired with hope. How many of the people for redress of their grievances have already rallied around the Society's Standard, by enrolling themselves as petitioners for the constitutional reformation it seeks, the Author is not exactly informed; but they certainly amount to no inconsiderable proportion of England's population. Thus encouraged, the Society will proceed with alacrity, at once deriving and imparting a lively satisfaction, at once impressed with and impressing a settled confidence of ultimate success. While the Society, appealing to truth, to justice, and to the spirit-stirring principles of our once free government; as well as consulting the neglected opinion, the slighted understanding, and the wounded feelings of the nation, shall steadily hold on its course, England will still more fully declare her sentiments; nor will Wales, Scotland, or Ireland, prove deaf to the voice of wisdom, or dead to the example of public virtue. In the first part of this History will be found, supported on the best authorities, a general account from the earliest periods of the representative branch of the English Legislature. Researches into antiquity in support of a right to efficient representation, which is synonimous with a right to political liberty, may to the philosopher, who is conversant with the grounds on which all men at all times are entitled to freedom, be deemed works of supererrogation : But, as servile writers pretend to draw from ancient records proofs against the nation's claim to freedom, the Author by refuting their fallacies flatters himself he shall gratify his readers. The last four volumes of this work chiefly consist of separate memoirs of boroughs brought down to the present time. Here will be seen a disgusting picture of vena→ lity and baseness, of profligacy and groveling vice, which might well have furnished the imagination of a Burke with the idea of a "swinish multitude;" as twenty years be fore he used that expression, he had termed these bo roughs "the shameful parts of our constitution, our oppro"brium, and the slough of slavery, which we were not able Ito work off."* Although it suited Burke, as an orator, occasionally to eulogize liberty, he never was its friend. In reference to his own œconomical reform, (the vanity of which is seen in our present condition) as contradistinguished from the parliamentary reform of others, it was his heart that spoke when he said, "I do not claim half the merit for what I "did, as for what I prevented from being done.”† In defence of close boroughs, it has been boasted that they have sometimes given seats in Parliament to men of genius and merit. Is it, then, a justification of despotism, that a despot sometimes, in the way of variety, effects his 串 Speech, April 19, 1774. † Letter to a Noble Lord, 23. |