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the manner in which it was prosecuted. It will naturally be concluded that he opposed the administration of the late Mr. Pitt with a considerable degree of zeal and uniformity. But let it be recollected, that on the occasion alluded to, he but obeyed the instructions of his constituents, either expressed or implied: for the livery of London have always exhibited a marked antipathy to continental connections.

In fine, we no sooner find the alderman fairly seated in parliament, 'than he took an active part in the debate that ensued in consequence of a motion of Mr. Fox *, against the premier of that day, for presuming to meddle with the public purse, in express opposition to the rights and privileges of the House of Commons. Mr. Combe, in obedience to the voice of the livery, assembled that day in common-hall, who had enjoined him to vote a censure on His Majesty's Ministers, for lavishing the public treasure without the consent of Parliament, not only supported, but also seconded the motion. The member for London commenced a maiden speech of some length, by expressing his pleasure, in obeying the voice of his constituents, as expressed that very forenoon, at a numerous and respectable meeting. They had almost unanimously disapproved of the conduct of His Majesty's Ministers on the present occasion; and it was with peculiar satisfaction he now. obeyed their commands, his duties as a representative being in strict unison with his own opinions. “ After what had been advanced by his Right Hon. friend (Mr. Fox), he would not say a word upon the subject in a constitutional point of view. As the representative of the first commercial city in the world, he was well acquainted with the mischief produced by the money sent to the Emperor. The discounting of the bills drawn for the purpose of remitting money to

* “That His Majesty's Ministers having authorised and directed, at different times, without the consent, and during the sitting of Parliament, the issue of various sums of money for the service of his Imperial Majesty, and also for the service of the army under the Prince of Condé, have acted contrary to their duty, and 10 the trust reposed in em, and have thereby violated the constitutional privileges of this House."

the Imperial troops had swallowed up so much of the wealth of the Bank, as to compel that great body to narrow their discounts; and the British merchants were made to suffer, that the German troops might be supplied. The remittances to the allied armies on the continent had, in fact, been a great cause of the alarming scarcity of money last year, and of most of the embarrassments which had been experienced in the commercial world."

He next adverted “ to the professions which had been so recently made by members of Parliament, of love and respect for the constitution, and of regard and deference for the sentiments of their constituents, which he hoped had not already evaporated; on the contrary, he trusted that gentlemen would, on the present evening, give a proof of the contrary. He professed to be attached personally to no man, nor to have any prejudice against any of the members of administration. He voted with Mr. Fox, as a friend to human happiness, which was best secured by political liberty; and this evening he came down, to use the phrase of the Right Hon. Gentleman, impregnated with the sense of his constituents, which was this day so fairly and decidedly given by the Commonhall."

On the 19th of May, 1797, the alderman was pitched upon by Opposition, once more to instigate the immediate removal of the servants of the crown, Accordingly, having noticed all the principał events of the war, and dwelt on the most disastrous epochs of the history of that period, Mr. Combe contrasted the promises of the Cabinet with their actual conduct, and insisted on the consequent disappointment of the public. He concluded a harangue, which was listened to with great attention by both sides of the house, with the following motion : “ That an humble address be presented to His Majesty, beseeching him to dismiss from his presence and councils his present ministers, as the most likely means to obtain a speedy and permanent peace.” Sir William Milner, Bart., one of the representatives for the city of York, seconded the

motion, which was lost, however, on a division, by a majority of 183.

We find the member for London, who appears to have been the only one of the four who would pledge himself explicitly to obey the instructions of his constituents, soon after supporting Mr. now Lord Grey, in his celebrated motion for a reform in Parliament. Here again, a failure in point of numbers, rather than of arguments, ensued, and that measure has never since been carried into effect: nor is it now, we believe, an object of particular desire on the part of the nobleman then so eager for its success.

In 1800, being then invested with the city regalia, the subject of the present memoir introduced a petition from His Majesty's most loyal and dutiful subjects, the lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of the city of London, assembled at the Guildhall of the said city, against the continuance of the present war.” Instead of being supported by his colleagues on this occasion, the application was ridiculed by some, and disavowed by others, as not expressing the sentiments of their constituents at large.

In 1803, he opposed the principle of the income tax as odious, vexatious, and unequal. Here again he obeyed the injunctions of the livery; and yet two of his colleagues voted in favour of the new impost, in direct opposition to the orders received by them in the Common-hall.

But Mr: Alderman Combe, although frequently, was not uniformly in opposition to all the measures of the cabinet of that day. On the contrary, at a time of great difficulty and danger, he warmly supported the “ General Defence Act,” and boldly declared, that not only those actually under arms, “ but every man in the kingdom ought to go forth, in hostile array, against the enemies of their country, when called upon by the exercise of His Majesty's acknowledged prerogative. There could be no exemption but on the ground of express inability. The citizens of the metropolis," added he,“ are not only ready, but anxious to learn, how they can come forward with most effect. If there were any apprehension, it


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could arise only from the probability of embarrassment, bý the crowds that would rush forth to accomplish a sacred duty. In fine, in every ward, parish, and street' of London, the people are only waiting with impatience until His Majesty shall be pleased to point out the means of organizing their courage.”

On another occasion (March 19. 1804) Mr. Alderman Combe stated, “that the volunteer force, furnished in and about the metropolis, then amounted to about 2000 men. There was not a single individual of these, who, in case of an invasion, did not consider himself liable to be placed under the command of a general officer, and marched to any part of the kingdom. No one could presume to doubt of the well-known loyalty and zeal of the city of London, because, being expressly exempt by their charter from those military duties to which the rest of England is liable, they had no manner of occasion to seek for refuge from the ballot. It was accordingly evident, that the offer of their services, their zeal, and their energy, could alone originate in a pure and patriotic spirit.”

When Mr. Pitt came a second time into place, Mr. Combe divided against his “ Additional Force bill,” and founded his objections both on constitutional and political grounds. In the Spring of 1805 he joined Mr. Grey, in his motion for papers, with a view to censure Ministers relative to their conduct towards Spain. He also supported Mr. Brand in his motion for the removal of the Cabinet, and voted with Mr. Grey (then become Lord Howick), against the address to the Crown.

There were two occasions, and we believe two only, about this period, on which Mr. Combe happened not to vote in a minority; on the former of these, he acted in direct unison with all the other city representatives, who declared themselves decidedly of opinion, that the supposed malversation of Mr. Dundas (afterwards Lord Melville), while treasurer of the navy, demanded immediate investigation; and they accordingly contributed to form the celebrated majority of one. The other included a subject of much personal delicacy, and he must have made a great sacrifice to his private feelings, by his vote on that day. We now allude to the parliamentary accusation again his Royal Highness the Duke of York, during the first time he acted as commander-in-chief. On this occasion, notwithstanding a certain degree of intercourse, and even intimacy, with this Prince of the Blood, yet Mr. Combe, listening to the voice of his constituents only, joined in the proposition for an enquiry, and was the only one of the four members who obtained the thanks of the Common-hall upon that occasion.

It now remains to mention one peculiarity respecting the subject of this memoir. After the death of his friend Mr. Sawbridge, he began to be considered the best whist player in London. Having at length been admitted a member of Brookes's, he there, of course, associated with some of the first personages in the kingdom, and was not unfrequently accus, tomed, at other times and places, to try his skill with one of the Royal Dukes. On these occasions, the Alderman is allowed to have displayed a wonderful degree of recollection and selfcommand; and this was not a little aided by his temperance, and even abstemiousness, previously to any grand match. We have yet to learn that he ever suffered this attachment to interfere with his duties, either public or domestic; and there is reason to suppose, that on the whole, his fortune did not suffer any diminution by an occasional love of play. It may be questioned, however, whether late hours, and long and intense application, did not prove prejudicial to his health, The truth is, that he was seized with a paralytic affection, exactly in the same manner, and perhaps from expressly the same cause, as the late Alderman Sawbridge; and, like him, experienced a long and lingering illness for some years before his death.

But although his lower limbs were debilitated, yet the vigour of his mind remained almost wholly unimpaired until the summer of 1817, when he was greatly affected by an event of a public nature. This was the resolution of a Common Hall, which was very thinly attended, purporting that this member should be invited to resign his seat in



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