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to him. But his friend was a different man in and out of office. — “ He (Sir Philip) had wished to go to India, perhaps

. to die there, - but assuredly to make a rally for reputation in that country where he had first shone, and first fallen; - the name of a noble baron was used as if he had been adverse to him. — Mr. Fox patronised a Scotch lord, whom the East India Company would not patronise."

Sir Philip Francis then spoke of a late meeting of the county of Middlesex, - his last public act was performed there. Recurring to his own personal situation, he lamented his indisposition, chiefly as it prevented him from sitting in ladies' company, and dining with his good friend Lord Holland, a man whom he loved exceedingly.

At a subsequent period, Sir Philip told the writer of this article, during a visit in St. James's Square, “ that if any one had dropt 30,0001. into the pocket of Mr. Burke, there would not have been any war with France."

The last time he saw him was at Tunbridge Wells, during the summer of 1818; but although able to walk a little on the pantiles, he was then in ruins. He afterwards visited Brighton, returned to his residence in Westminster, and soon after expired.

Such was the character, conduct, and opinions of the late Sir Philip Francis, as they appeared to the writer of this memoir. After expending a considerable portion of his life in India, and his fortune in parliament, and living and acting, during many years, with the greatest orators and statesmen of England, his remuneration must be allowed to have been wholly incommensurate with his virtues, his talents, and his sacrifices. Indeed, to adopt the language of one of the most eloquent men of his day, he may be truly said to have lived and died, with no other reward, but that inward sunshine of the soul, which a good conscience can always bestow."

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List of the Works and Speeches
Of Sir Philip Francis, K.B. M.P., &c. &c.

1. Original Minutes of the Governor-General and council of Fort William, on the settlement and collection of the Revenues of Bengal, with a plan of settlement, recommended to the Court of Directors in January, 1776. 4to. 1782.

2. Speech in the House of Commons, Friday, July 2, 1784, on India affairs. 8vo, 1784.

3. Two Speeches in the House of Commons, on the original East India Bill, and on the amended bill, on the 16th and 26th of July, 1784. 8vo.

4. Speech in the House of Commons, Tuesday, March 7, 1786, on moving for leave to bring in a bill to amend the India Act of 1784. 8vo.

5. Observations on Mr. Hastings' Narrative of his Transactions at Benares, in 1781. 8vo. 1786.

6. Observations on Mr. Hastings' Letter relative to Presents. 8vo.

7. Observations on Mr. Hastings' defence. 8vo.

8. Speech in the House of Commons, April 19, 1787, for the impeachment of Mr. Hastings on the Revenue Charge: With an Appendix. 8vo. 1787.

9. Answer of Philip Francis, Esq. to the charge against Sir John Clavering, Colonel George Monson, and Mr. Francis at the bar of the House of Commons, on February 4, 1788, by Sir Elijah Impey. 8vo. 1788.

10. Speeches in the House of Commons, 28th February, and 2d of March, 1791, printed in Proceedings in Parliament relative to the origin and progress of the war in India, &c., 1792. 8vo.

11. Letter to Lord North, late Earl of Guilford, with an Appendix, dated Calcutta, September 17, 1777, 8vo. 1793.

12. Heads of a Speech in reply to Mr. Dundas, April 23d, 1793, on the government and trade of India.

13. Draught of a resolution and plan, drawn up in 1793, and intended to be proposed to the Society of the Friends of the People, 1794. 8vo.

14. Speech in answer to Silvester Douglas, now Lord Glenbervie, 1796.

15. Proceedings in the House of Commons on the Slave Trade, &c. 1796.

16. The question as it stood in March, 1798. 1798. 8vo. 17. Speech on the affairs of India, July 19, 1803.

18. Speeches in the House of Commons, on the war against the Mahrattas. 1805. 8vo.

19. Speech against the exemption of foreign property in the funds from the income tax, 1806. 8vo.

20. Letter to Viscount Howick, (now Earl Grey), on the state of the East India Company, 1807.

21. Reflections on the abundance of paper in circulation. 1810.

22. Letter to Earl Grey. 8vo. 1814.
23. Letter missive to Lord Holland. 1816.

24. Plan of a reform in the election of the House of Commons, adopted by the Society of the Friends of the People, in 1795; with a new introduction, and other documents. 8vo.

25. Petition of the freeholders of the county of Middlesex, to the Honourable House of Commons; preceded by the Speech with which it was introduced, by Sir Philip Francis, K.B. 1817. Svo.

26. Historical Questions, exhibited in the Morning Chronicle, in January, 1818, enlarged, corrected, and improved. 1818. 8vo.



No. X.




The name of this gentleman has been scarcely mentioned of late years, and indeed he has taken but little share in any political proceedings of a recent date. There was a time, however, when he acted a very conspicuous part, and was continually before the public, either as a writer or a parliamentary orator.

John Scott was born in or about the year 1737, or 1738. He is said to have been descended from a respectable Scottish family of the same name: and towards the latter part of his life he assumed the addendum of Waring, in consequence of one of his relatives having settled a considerable estate on him, in the county palatine of Chester.

At an early period of life, Mr. Scott entered into the service of the East India Company, and rose by degrees to the rank of a major.

While a subaltern, quartered at Futtygur, he displayed a taste for writing, and, as we have heard, at one period attacked the administration of Mr. Hastings with a considerable degree of ability and effect. But they were afterwards reconciled, and a friendship equally warm and sincere took place between them. The governor-general, being certain that an impeachment had been determined on, selected Major Scott, who possessed his full confidence, as his agent and he accordingly repaired to England, as his precursor. They were both sensible that nothing could be effected without a seat in parliament; and the proper means for obtaining this were not wanting. The subject of this memoir accordingly appeared in the House of Commons, as the authorised representative of Mr. Hastings, and displayed no common degree of zeal in his behalf; nor can it be denied, that on many trying occasions, he conducted himself with considerable ability and effect. On the other hand, he must be acknowledged to have displayed a certain degree of temerity, in the manner in which he commenced his career. It is well known, indeed, that in the character of champion to the governor-general, he was the first to throw down the gauntlet in the House of Commons, to set his enemies at defiance, and to dare them to the contest. How far this might have been prudent it is now difficult to decide; but certain it is, that he appears at least to have confirmed Mr. Burke in his original purpose, and perhaps rendered him still more determined, and even more personal and vituperative, than he otherwise might have been.

In this state of affairs the subject of this memoir, of course, was particularly anxious to have the public voice in his favour. Many of the first families in the kingdom were indebted to Mr. Hastings for a provision for their younger sons. The East India Company (supposing the accusation of his enemies to be true), had profited by his peculations, his rapacities, his wars of ambition, and still more by his wanton aggressions against the defenceless natives, under the immediate protection of Great Britain. Some of the ministers theniselves were under obligations to him; and, in addition to all this, by means of presents he had gratified the cupidity, and excited the

gratitude, of many distinguished personages. Thus, a numerous and powerful body was already interested in the defence of Mr. Hastings; while the public at large, listening to the tales of rapacity and injustice displayed towards the most distinguished princes and princesses in India, without regard either to rank, or age, or sex, at first leaned towards his accusers.

In this state of affairs, it became necessary to conciliate those who were neutral, to confirm those who were wavering, to countenance his defenders, and to attack his foes.

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