Mrs. Clarke was less correct than that of the other party. With respect to the contradiction as to an injunction to secrecy, Mrs. Clarke might as well be right as Mr. Knight, because the answer as stated by, that gentleman might have been given rather to the inference than to the fact. She certainly could have no reason to wish that her influ ence should be divulged. She had no occasion to feel it necessary that her interference should be known.

.! Nihil me scire prodest, nisi me scire hoc sciat alter.

As to the evidence of Miss Taylor, it was the opposite of that of Mrs. Clarke. Miss Taylor had a good character and gave bad evidence; Mrs. Clarke on the contrary, had a bad character and gave good evidence. It was not, however, to be supposed that Miss Taylor would have given up her school and her prospects in life, in order to give testimony in favour of Mrs. Clarke. She appeared, nevertheless, in the situation of a person influenced by Mrs. Clarke. The course, however, that had been pursued to invalidate her testimony, by examining into the circumstances of her family and birth, he could not but condemn; and he could not consider her the less credible a witness, be cause of any thing that could have been discovered in such an inquiry. As to the circumstance of the note respecting Major Tonyn, he did not think that made any thing against the Duke of York. Another general topic which had been touched upon was, that the Duke of York must have suspected the practices of Mrs. Clarke, knowing, as he did, the sums he allowed for the support of the establishment at Gloucester-place. The Duke of York had been guilty, certainly, of a thing which could not be justified, in forming an immoral connection, which led to those consequences upon which the presumption injurious to his character was founded. He did not know but this might be sufficient to call for his removal, as many were of opinion that as "Cæsar's wife must not be even suspected," so the administration of the different departments of the state should be above suspicion. He conceived that the address of his honourable friend (Mr. Bankes) did convey the sentiments of those who only thought that some degree of suspicion attached to those transactions, in terms that were delicate, and which removed the sting of the address of the honourable mover (Mr. Wardle), which must undoubtely be most galling

to his majesty. If, then, he was compelled to make an option between the first resolution of the right honourable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), and the address of his honourable friend (Mr. Bankes), he should be obliged to prefer the latter, although he could easily conceive that it would be possible so to modify the first resolution of the right honourable gentleman, as that he should think it preferable to the address. As to the sort of threats that had been held in terrorem over the House of the popular opinion upon this case, he would say, that there could be no corruption more degrading or vilifying than for that House, after the pains they had taken in the examination of the evidence upon this subject, to allow themselves to be governed by the opinions of those who had not equal means of judging. If he had entertain ed at first an opinion favourable to those charges, he 'would not have been backward in supporting them. When Mr. Paull brought forward charges in that House which exposed him to quite as much obloquy as the honourable mover of the present charges was exposed, he supported Mr. Paull, because he thought the charges were well founded, and he should have equally sup ported the present charges, if he had thought they had been well founded. Mrs. Clarke had stated, and the ho nourable gentleman admitted that he (Mr. Wardle), had taken papers and letters from her by force. He did not know what was the degree of force, whether it was an affected struggle on her part, or a permitted rape of those letters (laugh); but this he would say, that if the honourable member really did get possession of those letters precisely in the manner mentioned by Mrs. Clarke, there was not a single charge brought out against the Duke of York, which he would not rather be guilty of than of that action. (Hear, hear! from the ministerial benches.) He did not consider that the case of Samuel Carter bore with any strength against the Duke. If he was a footboy, as he was called, it was better than if he had been a footman, for many who had in early life been of the lowest rank, were afterwards highly distinguished in the world. With time the mark wore out of their mouths (a laugh). He should, however, ask those who considered the treatment of Miss Taylor as most cruel, because it was unnecessary, had not Samuel Carter been

treated in a manner equally cruel, by being brought forward without the least necessity? His low birth had been unnecessarily proclaimed to the world: he had been trodden down like a weed, and ruined, by his name haying been brought forward by the honourable mover, without the least appearance of necessity, and, as Mrs. Clarke stated, in direct contradiction to a positive pro mise given, and merely by taking an advantage somewhat unfair of a confidential communication. He concluded by saying, that it was with great pain he felt himself bound to vote for the address of his honourable friend (Mr. Bankes), in preference to the resolution of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Lord Castlereagh rose, amidst the cries of question, question. He thought it not a little extraordinary that the right honourable gentleman had taken grounds for his vote so little consonant to the opinions which he delivered in his speech. For his part, he conceived it much better to come to a distinct resolution, than tɔ approach his majesty in the first instance by an address. If however, he were to give an opinion between the two addresses, he should prefer the address of the honourable mover, as conveying a more direct resolution of the Honse. If the House really believed the Duke of York guilty of either knowing or suspecting that Mrs. Clarke received money for those commissions, which he granted at her interference, he could not see how it was possible to avoid pronouncing him corrupt. If he had known that such sums of money went to the support of the establishment in Gloucester-place, it would have been as corrupt as if he had put the money in his own pocket. His honourable friend (Mr. Bankes) had conceived that delicacy to the crown required rather that the address should be worded in the manner he had proposed, than in the manner which had been originally proposed by the honourable mover (Mr. Wardle). He viewed, however, this point of delicacy in a very different light. What must be the feelings of his majesty if he should be informed that his son was still charged with corruption of the foulest kind, and that that son had not been heard in his defence? The noble lord then entered into a review of the evidence, and considered that Mrs. Clarke was evidently actuated by the most decided resentment and the most vindictive feelings. This appeared to him eviVOL. II.-1809. $ R

dent not only from the letters she wrote to Mr. Adam, but from the testimony of Colonel M'Mahon, with re spect to the letter she had written to the Prince of Wales, and the conversations she had held with him. He was ready to admit, that he believed Mrs. Clarke had spoken a great deal of truth (Hear, hear!) and yet he would not believe her in that which rested almost entirely on her assertion, the knowledge and privity of the Duke to her transactions. She had narrated her own transactions with considerable accuracy, and in that narration, which was also confirmed by documents, and other evidence, he thought she was worthy of belief, because she had no interest in speaking falsely. But when she came to assert that the Duke knew of her corrupt transactions, he would not believe her, because that was a thing easy of invention, which was incapable of direct contradiction, and to which she might well be supposed to be stimulated by her resentment. If she could have established the corruption of his Royal Highness in any one instance, he should then have believed she spoke the truth when she mentioned other instances. She had, however, proved no such thing, and no man's life or character would be safe if it depended on such testimony. It was very easy to conceive that a combination might have existed between Mrs. Clarke, Mrs. Favery (her half sister and house-keeper) Miss Taylor, her sister-in-law, and Mr. Dowler, her favourite lover. It would be recollected that so far from being the unwilling witness she had represented herself, she had written letters to Donovan and to Captain Sandon, to induce them to join in her plan; and that, on the very day that Mr. Dowler arrived from Spain, she went to his hotel, and passed the night with him, for no other purpose that could be conceived (a loud and general laugh), but to extract from him what evidence he would be able to give, and to arrange their plans in concert. It appeared to him the most incredible thing on earth, that if the Duke had really been conscious of any corrupt practices, such as had been imputed to him, that he should part from this woman in the manner he did, without making an arrangement to induce her not to mention those transactions. It was incredible that he should have preferred an investigation like the present, attended with so many painful exposures, to a compromise with this woman, if he had not been per

491 fectly conscious of innocence. As to the feeling of the army with respect to the Duke of York, he was convinced that no man ever enjoyed so completely their affections, and no man had ever done so much good to the British army. Under his administration every attention had been paid to the comforts of the soldier, and the character of the army. had made rapid strides to perfection, and he should implore the House to consider rather the military charges. against him, than the accusation of immorality. If even under the corrupt influence of Mrs. Clarke, he had never given any appointments that were not justified on strict military grounds, it must be supposed his future administration would be still more free from blame, now he had extricated himself from that influence and connection, and received a very seyere lesson, from the evils it had occasioned, and the painful exposures which had been made, There was another point of view in which the subject was of the utmost importance. His Royal Highness stood very near in the succession to the throne. If he should now be branded as a man unfit to be trusted in the service of his country, the same reason should go to induce Parliament to exercise their power in cutting off his succession; for how could a man, stained with infamy and corruption, command, or deserve the respect and affections of the people of this country? On that account he deprecated any condemnation by the House of Commons, but demanded, as he had undoubtedly the right to do, a trial by his peers, in case the House should think there was a sufficient case to put him on his trial. He objected then to both those addresses, as going to brand the Duke of York with infamy, without allowing him the benefit of a trial by his peers, under the usual sanction of the witnesses being sworn. It appeared to him that no case had been made out, which would justify such a proceeding in the House, and therefore he should vote for the resolutions as moved by his right honourable friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer).

Mr. Calcraft said, he knew the dreadful abyss into which his Royal Highness the Duke of York must fall, if he met with the condemnation of that House. He certainly felt for him very much; he felt also the highest respect and duty towards the illustrious personage: but he could not forget that he had a paramount duty to fulfil to the House and the country; and he would, however dis

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