might be no mention of them in the message, both the president, the members of Congress and the people of Washington, were perfectly acquainted with their existence, and they were generally supposed to be the incitement to, and the cause of the embargo. Be that as it might, however, it was a certain fact, that both countries had already been great sufferers, and in his opinion the sooner the olive branch was held out, the better it would be for both. He was afraid there would with many be a considerable impediment in the way, on the score of what was called concession; he could not but agree with his honourable friend who brought forward the present motion, that there appeared to be among the people of this country somewhat too harsh and unfavourable a sentiment and feeling towards those of the western continent. He lamented that such should be the case, but entertained a hope that the time was near at hand, when each country, viewing its respective interests through a dispassionate medium, would be willing and desirous to shake off all unfavourable prejudices, and mutually extend the hand of amity and reconciliation. He was of opinion that the present motion was a preliminary step, well calculated to produce that desirable event, and as such it had his most cordial support.

Mr. Rose said the measures which had been adopted by the American government, and which we had reason to complain of as directly hostile to this country alone, were two, viz. the non-importation act and the embargo. The former had been passed in November in the year 1806, and was positively directed against the merchandize and manufactures of this country only; and it could not therefore be occasioned by the orders in council, for they were not then dreamt of. The honourable gentleman who had just sat down had said that an American newspaper, which contained the substance of the orders in council, had been published at Washington, previous to the meeting of Congress when the president sent the message to them, recommending the embargo. He had in his hand the message which had been referred to by his honourable friend (Mr. Stephen) in which there was not one word or syllable even hinting at the orders in council. That was on the 1st of December, 1807; and, a week after that, a letter was written by Mr. Madison to Mr. Pinkney, in which also there is no mention of these

orders, but in which Mr. Madison distinctly says, the policy and causes of the embargo are contained in the message; so that it was evident the orders in council had not at that time entered into the president's head. The honourable gentleman (Mr. Baring) had said, there were now in the Brazils more goods of the manufacture of this country than would serve for ten years consumption. He supposed there might be some few articles there which were superfluous at present; but to such an amount as the honourable gentleman had stated he could not lend his belief. Mr. Rose then produced an account of the deficiency in our exports and imports in 1806, 1807, and 1808, by which it appeared, that though they had been diminished upwards of five millions in some parts of America, yet they had increased so much in other parts of that continent, that we had obtained an actual gain of four millions in the course of that time. According to this statement, instead of the ruin that was to fall on us, we should experience very little deficiency. Dreadful prognostications had been delivered of the suffering which our West India islands were likely to experience; be was happy, however, to state, these fears had been groundless. He then read two letters from Jamaica, the purport of which was, that except in the article of white oak staves, they had, in that island, suffered very little by the interruption of their intercourse with America; that the West India planters had turned their attention to the raising various articles of provision, for the supply of which they had formerly depended on America; and they had proved by experience, that from what they were enabled to raise themselves, added to what they obtained from our other American possessions, they had little to fear from the want of supplies, which, till then, had been furnished by the United States. One permanent consequence of this was, it had been found, that Canada alone could furnish all Europe, as well as our West India islands, with that article which they most wanted, viz. white oak staves. In 1807, we had 8000 tons of shipping in our trade with the United States, and we had increased it tenfold with our own colonies. No man could more sincerely wish for conciliation with America than he did, for he was certain that America could not suffer without our suffering also. The honourable gentleman concluded by stating, that considering the aggravation

which this country had received from America, he should vote against the address.

Mr. Grattan said, that the present posture of affairs with respect to America reminded him of that when our fatal rupture with that country took place; the present question led to the junction of America and France-the former question caused the seperation of America from England. He had studied the quarrel of that day, and he could not avoid observing the strong coincidence, not only of the contest, but even of the causes which had been assigned as its occasion: then and now it had been set forth that the language of opposition had fed and nourished the infant hostility of America; that she had risen in arms; not from a sense of insult; net from a spirit of dignity; not in,defence of her charters, nor from the enthusiastic ardour of the British ancestry, from whom she had descended, but from the stimulus of men in this country, who could not see even her aggressions with patience. He. had no doubt a strong abhorrence of those who would ex cite either the hatred or separation of the countries; but he had too high a sense of his own dignity, too high a value for the freedom of debate, to be restrained from rendering impartial justice, by the fear even of such an odious imputation. Mr. Canning was right in the latter part of his letter to Mr. Pinkney, when he dilated on the advantages of amity between the countries; he was only sorry the commencement of the letter had not rendered such a conclusion more consistent. Mr. Stephen was also right in his primary position, but he had not drawn from it the natural deductions: he had put a very wrong construction indeed upon the pacific offer now made to England; America resisted the orders in council; aye, and she had resisted the Berlin decree. On its first appearance, her ambassador at Paris remonstrated; the answer he received insinuated that it would, not, militate against the American trade. On its being put in force, however, that answer had proved fallacious, and the immediate consequence of the confiscation of the Horizon was the embargo. Our orders in council were the occasion of the embargo. The speech of the president hinted at it. Mr. Madison's, Mr. Pinkney's letters, evidently shewed it. But they were not the occasion of it-granted. What then continues it? Your orders. What continues the non-importation act? Your orders. America plainly

tells you she will repeal her embargo, as far as it affects England, if England rescinds her orders in council. Here there is a neutral telling you she wishes to be your friend, telling you she will visit France with the evils of her own insolence; and yet your pride, or rather your absence of all pride, refuses the concession. No, you refuse the act of justice-your enemy is atrocious, and so must you be. Why, if you are to make the measure of their wrong the measure of your right, you had better carry this principle of your politics into your religion, and take the laws of nature not from your God, but from your enemy! But you will fight France with her own weapons. Are you sure you possess her weapons when you adopt her principles? We know our strength is our navy we know our navy is identified with our commerce, and who will say our commerce is not improved by our intercourse with America? America is naturally your friend; she is your descendant; she is the fountain of the staple commodity of Ireland; she is the great Western barrier, and little disposed or calculated to be your rival. But you will adopt the anti-commercial system; you must deprive the continent of colonial produce; and what do you gain by that? You make the Continent one universal soldier! You will coerce America too-No, you will insure her to self-denial; you will habituate her to a frozen habit of alienation from England, but you never can coerce her. But, at all events, you will make her force France to rescind her Berlin decree: how is she to do it? Not by her navy; no, nor by any other method, than the one which she has voluntarily proposed to you and which you reject. But suppose you do force her to compel France, what will be the consequence? You will not only render America your enemy, but you will convert her into a country of manu factures, and the continent into a nation of soldiers: the one to beat, the other to starve you! But see already to what your conduct has reduced you, by your peevish irri tation, your absolute incapacity to be quiet. You have forced America, a nation of freemen, notwithstanding all the vices of France, the ambition of her conqueror, and the despotism of her tyrant, not to view either of you with love, but both with indifference. You will, however, boast over her your maritime superiority; instead of Looking at her, as you might, from your throne in the VOL. II.-1809.

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ocean, protecting ne continent, and influencing another, you will meanly descend from your elevation, and place your trident in competition, with her naval power. No. longer the proud protectors of what remains of mankind, you dwindle into the rivals of a pretty province. Re member, a few years hence you divided America from England. You are now about to give America to France.

Mr. Canning made a long and able speech in defence of ministers, which we regret not being able to give with any. justice, from the lateness of the hour (four o'clock) at which he rose. He strongly protested against all discusssions with America being at an end, as might be inferred from this motion. This motion was not of ministers' sceking, but merely an interference, certainly warrantable of parlia ment, He defended government on three grounds; their policy, their jus ice, and their general conduct, Ministers had found the principle of retaliation acknowledged in a mitigated sense when they came into power, and certainly they ac ed upon it when necessity seemed to compel them. He concluded by observing, that so far from having acted hostilely towards America, the conduct of his majesty's government had been conciliatory in the extreme; for during the very period that the American embargo was in full operation, two acts had passed that House for continuing a commercial intercourse with her on the footing of the most favoured nations; and it was not until America had passed her non-importation act, a measure un precedented between civilized nations in a state of amity, and which at any other period, and under different circumstances, would have been a sufficient ground for war; that the British American trade act was discontinued? and, in fact, it could not be revived under such circumstances, without degrading humiliation. Indeed, if he entertained any doubt as to the conduct adopted by his majesty's ministers towards America, it was, that they should rather have been arraigned for having yielded too much to the wish of conciliation than holding too high a hand in supporting the dignity of the cou try.

Lord Henry Petty spoke at considerable length in support of the address, and was for measures of concilia tion towards America. He said his majesty's ministers, instead of acting upon the orders in council as issued in 1807, which merely interdicted the neutral trade of