right flank—" and there was no time to dismount them and place their horses in security. I therefore determined to refuse my left to the Indians and to break the British lines, at once, by a charge of the mounted infantry. The measure was not sanctioned by anything that I had seen or heard of, but I was fully convinced that it would succeed. The American backwoodsmen ride better in the woods than any other people: a musket or rifle is no impediment to them, being accustomed to carry them on horseback, from their earliest youth. I was persuaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unprepared for the shock, and that they could not resist it."

The sequel showed that he was right.

Harrison stated his force aggregated 3,000 "certainly greater than that of the enemy" to quote him again-about double the number as a matter of fact. His casualties he stated were 7 killed 22 wounded, five of whom afterwards died. The British casualties, 12 killed and 22 wounded with 33 Indians left on the ground "besides those killed on the retreat."

I think it but fair to read Proctor's later and more succinct statement of the whole affair, before concluding this branch of my subject. It is contained in a letter written from Burlington to General De Rottenburg, dated 16th November, 1813, which I give in full:

"Sir, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the eighth inst., and shall endeavour to comply with what is required. I regret that I should not have been able to make myself understood or that in endeavouring to be clear I should have been diffuse. I did not fail to give to the Port of Michilimackinac a due portion of my attention. Had it been otherwise in my power I could not have sent troops there, lest I might thereby have increased the want of provisions. Repeated communications was made to the officer in command there, of the Loss of the Fleet and the intended retreat to the Thames which had in consequence become requisite, with assurance also that the sending of pork especially by way of Mashedash should be strongly urged. For a detail of the precautionary measure to rid my Force of every incumbrance ere the retreat from Sandwich to Dover on the Thames, I beg leave to refer to my former letters being unable to give a clearer account than what has already been furnished. I have mentioned my determination to have made a stand in the first instance at Dover, a measure which was necessary for the protection of the craft, naval and ordnance stores, etc., brought from Amherstburg, and placed as high up the river as the navigation would then admit of. During a second attempt to reconnoitre the country in my rear, the troops were on the approach of the enemy moved from Dover to the Forks, a measure that early the next morning caused a determination in the Indian body to commence an immediate retreat to Moraviantown, and which I found on my arrival was carried into effect, and the requisite disposition made by Lt.-Colonel Warburton. These unfortunate circumstances left no option but the immediate sinking and destruction of the vessels and stores that would not be brought off from the want of time and transport. I trust it is unnecessary to repeat the capture of the boats with the stores and men therein. I most firmly believe that no article whatever of private baggage of any individual attached to the army was saved, at the expense of, or whilst the provisions and ammunition fell into the hands of the enemy. As already stated, finding that the enemy approached too near, I determined to meet and give him battle in a wood below the Moraviantown, as he was in

considerable force, and particularly strong in Mounted Infantry and Cavalry. The position I had taken I also conceived to be favourable, as it reduced the enemy to a small front and secured my flanks, my right being on an impenetrable swamp, and my left on the river. The 41st Regiment occupied the space between the river and the Indians who were on their right, with their right thrown up. The troops had a reserve and marksmen near the six pounder on the road, for its further security. It was under the direction of Lieut. Gardner of the 41st Regiment who, on a former occasion had been found very useful when attached to the artillery. The gun, when taken, was loaded with canister and a sphente case shot, laid, and the port fire light; a plan of cooperation was cordially established with the Indians, who were to turn the left of the enemy, whilst the troops should resist the right. The Indians did turn the left of the enemy and executed their part faithfully and courageously. If the troops had acted as I have ever seen them, and as I confidently expected, I am still of opinion notwithstanding their numerical superiority the enemy would have been beaten; all ranks of officers exerted themselves to rally the men though ineffectual. Though retreating was the furthest from my thoughts I had caused as far as time and circumstances would admit every impediment to a retreat to be removed, and had also placed the field ordnance under the orders of Lieut. Thornton of the Royal Artillery, so as to defend an important point by which the Indians had retreated to us, and also to cover the retreat of the troops, whilst order was retained by them. The Indians, after the troops were broken, retired through the woods: and brought with them those who escaped in that direction. On the evening of the 5th of October provision was made for the feeding of the Indians and troops who should arrive at Delaware: the commissariat were also stationed on the route to Ancaster for the same purpose, as well as parties of Dragoons to aid and assist those who had effected their retreat on their way to Ancaster. I proceeded to the Grand River and endeavoured to prevent individuals proceeding who might create false alarms, and immediately communicated with the officers in command at Long Point, Burlington, and with Major General Vincent, commanding the Centre Division.

I have the honour to be Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,

HENRY PROCTOR,

Major General.

We can scarcely at this date sit in appeal from the judgment of the Court Martial and the Prince Regent's general order of almost 104 years ago but may cast the mantle of charitable criticism over the memory of an officer who evidently felt keenly his position and suffered much. His death at Bath, at the comparatively early age of 59, may have been hastened by this suffering for which I confess a feeling of sympathy.

It is a relief to turn from the branch of my subject with which I have been dealing, the fate of the unhappy Proctor, to that of the hero Tecumseh, whose end was tragic, his life heroic throughout, the subject of universal admiration.

Tecumseh was one of the two greatest and most heroic figures of the native races of this continent. Both Brant and Tecumseh preferred the

British as allies. Brant acquired a home for himself and his people here. Whether Tecumseh acquired even a grave to rest in is still questioned.

Tecumseh was a patriot in the truest sense. By some American historians Tecumseh's activities among the native races of the South-the Creeks and others were attributed to British intrigue. This was a mistake. Tecumseh or Tecumthe'-the name is said to signify "a shooting star" -was of the Shawanoes or Shawuness (Southerners) of the Delaware race, who removed from the south to the region of the Ohio and the Miami where Tecumseh was born in or about 1768. He is said to have been one of three brothers, born of a Cherokee mother at the same time. Tecumseh's activities were stirred up at finding the Americans were acquiring the Indian lands with the consent of certain tribesmen whom he deemed irresponsible, and he sought to form a vast confederacy of native races to resist these encroachments. Tecumseh's brother " the Prophet," acted with him, but relying more upon his powers of enchantment than upon the valour and discretion which characterized his brother, he in the latter's absence, attacked General Harrison's forces at Tippecanoe, with disastrous results. Tecumseh was much dissatisfied with his brother for his too precipitate attack, which wrecked their plans. An invitation was, by General Brock's order, sent to Tecumseh by the Superintendent of Indian Affairs through the agency of the Hurons to confer with him and them-to counsel Peace between him and the Big Knives (the Americans) apparently, judging from the "Speech of the Shawanoes, Kickapoos and Winibagoes delivered by Teckumthie at Machetie, on the Wabash, in answer to the message I (Mr. Elliott, S. I. A.) sent to them by the Hurons last winter." The closing sentences of this speech (received in June, 1812) are as follows:

"Brothers;-We Shawanoes, Kickapoos and Winibagoes hope you will not find fault with us for having detained you so long here: we were happy to see you and to hear your and our Father's words: and it would surely be strange if we did not listen to our Father and our eldest brothers.

"Father and Brothers.-We will now in a few words declare to you our whole hearts-if we hear of the Big Knives coming towards our villages to speak peace, we will receive them, but if we hear of any of our people being hurt by them, or if they unprovokedly advance against us in a hostile manner, be assured we will defend ourselves like men. And if we hear of any of our people having been killed, we will immediately send to all the nations. on or toward the Mississippi and all this Island will rise as one man. Then Father and Brothers it will be impossible for you or either of you to restore peace between us.'

In the following month (July, 1812) Lieut.-Col. St. George, then in command of Amherstburg reported "a grand council of chiefs, etc., from the neighborhood." Tecumtha (the Prophet's brother) acted a conspicuous

part on the occasion."

This was apparently his first appearance on this side of the Lake. Thereafter followed the various operations, including the taking of Detroit by Brock, the River Raisin, and the subsequent events of Sandusky, etc., culminating in the naval battle of Lake Erie in which the gallant Captain 'Mich. Pioneer and Historical Collections Vol. 15, p. 90.

2

Ibid., pp. 98-9.

Barclay lost both his ships and the use of his only arm remaining to him after Trafalgar, as well as the only officer properly qualified to fill his place when wounded (Capt. R. Finnis), the enemy having treble the number of seamen and double the weight of metal' as well as a change of wind at the most critical moment of the day in his favour.

We have seen how reluctant Tecumseh was to retreat from Malden-I need not further dwell upon the details of the retreat, or of the battle.

The following seemingly truthful account of our hero's death is given in the Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. 10 (p. 160), as having been narrated by Noonday, an Ottawa Chief, to a Mr. Cook, whose diary runs thus "After rehearsing the speech which Tecumseh made to his warriors previous to the engagement, and how all felt that they fought to defend Tecumseh more than for the British he was asked:

"Were you near Tecumseh when he fell?"

"He was on a horse and the horse fell over a log, and Tecumseh with uplifted tomahawk, was about to dispatch him, when he drew a pistol from his holster and shot him in the breast and he fell dead on his face. I seized him at once and with the assistance of Saginaw, bore him from the field. When he fell the Indians stopped fighting and the battle ended. We laid him down on a blanket in a wigwam, and we all wept, we loved him so much. I took his hat and tomahawk."

"How did you know it was Johnson who killed him? "

"General Cass took me to see the Great Father, Van Buren, at Washington. I went to the great wigwam, and when I went in I saw the same man I see in battle, the same man I see kill Tecumseh. I had never seen him since, but I knew it was him. I look him in the face and said: Kene Kin-a-poo Tecumseh,' that is, 'you kill Tecumseh.' Johnson replied that he never knew who he was, but a powerful Indian approached him and he shot him with his pistol. That was Tecumseh: I see you do it.' "Noonday finished his story of Tecumseh by telling of his noble traits, the tears meanwhile trickling down his cheeks. There is no doubt of the truth of his unvarnished tale."

More poetic, if less authentic, is the account given by Charles Mair in his noble poem, who places in the mouth of the dying chief the words:

"The hour is come; these weary hands and feet

Draw to the grave-Oh, I have loved my life

Not for my own, but for my people's cause.

Who now will knit them? Who will lead them on?
Lost! Lost! Lost! The pale destroyer triumphs.

I see my people fly-I hear their shrieks,

And none to shield or save! My axe! My axe!
Ha-it is here! No, no, the power is past.

Oh, Mighty Spirit, shelter, save my people."

'Sir James Yeo to Sir John B. Warren, 10 Oct., 1813, Can. Archives, and Cruiknk's Documentary History, 220.

In the basement of the Corcoran Gallery at Washington there reposes a marble recumbent statue of "the Dying Tecumseh" chiseled by a Spanish sculptor of some note. It once had a place in the Capitol building, but has been relegated in later years to comparative obscurity. I have looked upon it not without emotion and to it might be addressed, not inappropriately, the closing words of Mair's poem,

"Sleep well, Tecumseh, in thy unknown grave,

Thou mighty savage, resolute and brave!

Thou Master and strong spirit of the woods,
Unsheltered traveller in sad solitudes,

Yearner o'er Wyandot and Cherokee,

Couldst tell us now what hath been and shall be?"