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T a time when promotion of Primary Education in public schools is the object of so many discussions and efforts, when various views and schemes to that effect are proposed, it may not be amiss to give a little sketch of the state of Public Education, especially in Primary or National Schools, in Germany,-a country where sciences and general instruction are acknowledged to be more cultivated, and more universally spread than in any other part of the globe. Whilst here in England some fundamental questions, as the convenience or admissibility of coercive measures, the exact share which government ought to take upon itself in that matter, the claims of different religious persuasions, are still under discussion; in Germany a fixed, complete system has been for a long time in operation, and proved its excellence by striking results, appreciated by those who are directly concerned, as well as by distant observers. Comparing the state of other countries with their own, Germans may well feel proud of their superiority in this respect; and it is not asserting too much that by this time people at large, even the lower classes, have become conscious of the moral and material advantages derived for their children from suitable instruction, and consider the facilities afforded thereto by government a valuable acquisition, which they would be quite as reluctant to give up as any other improvement owing to modern inventions or political institutions. For those who take an interest in the welfare of the rising generation it is therefore well worth while to examine that system, its principle and working, leaving it then to promoters of different views to decide whether the same results may be obtained or compensated for by other means or in a different way. A short preliminary observation is necessary.

There is generally a certain degree of indistinctness or confusion of ideas if people speak about institutions in Germany: they very often forget that in many respects there is not one Germany, but from thirty to forty independent States comprised under that name. In order not

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NATIONAL SCHOOLS IN GERMANY.

to commit the same error, we must state that the leading features of the following observations apply pretty equally to all parts of Germany, but more particularly refer to Prussia, which country, even amongst the German Confederation, ranks as one of the first, as far as universal education is concerned.

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The principle which characterizes public education in Germany, and forms the fundamental difference in this point with England, to be found in the eminent part which government takes in this matter. Government always considered it their right and duty to guide and control education, and take care for its efficiency; this forms one of the great branches of administration, like that of military, commercial, or political affairs; a minister is at the head of the department,—its organization spreads over the whole country.

As a first consequence of this principle, all schools, from the highest to the lowest, are public establishments, supported, if necessary, and superintended; the teachers trained, nominated, and controlled by government; and the more general regulations are the same all over the country. Secondly, the means of acquiring the necessary knowledge suitable to the different stations in life are placed within the reach of every one. Colleges and commercial schools are in sufficient number, and at convenient distances; at least one elementary or national school is to be found in every parish; there the poor are received with the wealthy either gratuitously or at reduced terms. But, on the other hand, there is also obligation for parents to have their children instructed during a certain period; from the age of six to twelve or thirteen children are bound to attend school.*

* Any word like compulsion sounds harsh to English ears, and many persons may, in their jealousy of personal liberty, from one such expression be induced to condemn the whole system in question. A few remarks on this point are, therefore, not out of place here, and will perhaps serve to modify a one-sided or hasty judgment. All sensible parents do not, of course, want any additional stimulus for sending their children to a place where they get suitable instruction. There are but very few, and those of the lowest class in moral and social station, who, from indifference, or in order to reap some trifling advantage from the labour of their children, perhaps even from worse motives, would keep their children from school, and allow them to grow up in a semi-barbarous state. For such unscrupulous parents and guardians the coercive measures are intended; and the question with them is, whether, means for education being provided by government, there is not, besides the undeniable moral obligation, also a social one to avail themselves of the advantages thus offered; whether the community, whom we expect to protect lives, property, and morals, and to prevent crimes, has only duties, but no claims in this respect, but must quietly look on, that, through want of proper dispositions in parents or guardians, the germs of future offences and crimes grow up in the midst of civilization. Such a view of the case is more prevalent in Germany; little or no objection is entertained against accordant regulations; and, nevertheless, this fact must not be ascribed to indifference in such matters. A recent trial to introduce stricter measures for the proper keeping of the Sunday, such as are, with general approbation, in force in England, excited a great deal of indignation and opposition; similar outcries might have been heard on that occasion as compulsory measures for attending a school would meet with in England. Thus every country has not only its particular opinions and feelings, but also special favourite objects to apply the same; but right consequence in thinking and acting is as rare in the masses as among individuals. However, these national particularities, should they even incline towards deceptions or prejudices, must be taken into consideration before the introduction of innovations; but if a double view of a question can be taken, public opinion may at least have a chance of knowing both sides, and afterwards decide accordingly.

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