wool was cheaper in England, Ireland, by | port a manufacture than it was to establish purchasing here, must render the price of that article the same in both countries, and consequently the inequality in point of price, which was so much dreaded, would be done away.-Another argument which had been urged, had very much astonished him; namely, that from the great cheapness of freight, wool might be sent at less expense to Ireland than it❘ could be from one part of England to another. With respect to all the places from which Yorkshire drew its supply of wool, the communication between them and Yorkshire was much more easy than between them and Ireland. The next argument was, that the cheapness of wages in Ireland would enable her to manufac ture cheaper. It was stated, that as wages and taxes were lower in Ireland, she must beat England, where wages and taxes were higher. This was assuming a principle which contradicted the experience of the world, that a country which was taxed more lightly, was better able to carry on manufactures than a richer country labouring under heavier taxation. If that proposition was true, would the manufactures of Great Britain have risen to such an unexampled height under such a weight of taxation? The calculation which the learned counsel had made upon the subject, was most inapplicable. He had taken the whole of the taxes of the two countries, and divided them by the numbet of the inhabitants, and had stated the result as the amount of each contribution. It was astonishing how such a calculation could be made. How many parts were there in this country in which the taxes had no effect upon the price of wages? Did the land-tax, did the assessed taxes; did the stamp duties increase the price of wages? Did all the taxes upon articles of luxury increase the price of wages? He did not believe that Ireland was taxed in a lighter degree than England. He also differed from the learned counsel in considering the nominal price of wages as the standard. In speaking of the wages given to a manufacturer, two considerations occurred: it was undoubtedly true that agricultural labour was cheaper in Ireland; but in various branches of manufactures, the wages were higher in Ireland than in England.-The next and most important question was that respecting the capital. Where capital was in such a commanding state as it was in England, it was much easier to continue and sup

one in a country differently circumstanced with regard to capital. It had been stated, that in order to carry on this ma nufacture, which produced near twenty millions annually, there was a capital of 6,000,000l. actually sunk. What temptation, then, had the manufacturers to transfer all the manufactures of this country to Ireland? Why, in the first place, they must give up the six millions they have sunk in England; and before they can establish it in Ireland, they must sink six millions more there. He stated this to show, not that Ireland would derive any advantage from this regulation, but that there was not the least reason to apprehend that sudden transfer which could give a shock to the vested capital.-The next part of the subject was that which related to the state of skill and machinery in the two countries. There was much difficulty in finding the extent to which our manufacturers had benefited by the improvement of machinery; that it had done much, however, was perfectly clear. There was a difference in the statement of the degree in which the manufacture depended upon machinery; but take it either way, and the conclusion was the same. If little of the manufacture was carried on by machinery, then most of it must depend upon human skill and ingenuity; if that was so, it was not the day-labourer, but the skilful manufacturer that was wanted, and then Ireland would have no advantage, for the reasons he had before stated. If, on the other hand, most of it depended upon machinery, then all the argument about the cheapness of labour in Ireland fell to the ground, for machinery was as dear in one country as it was in the other. Taking the question, therefore, in either point of view, Ireland would not have the advantage over this country.-The next argument went to show, that if this exportation were allowed, Ireland, from her situation, would have an advantage over us, on account of her ports being more favourable to fit out for the West Indies, America, or almost any part of Europe, and having the same means to obtain Spanish wool. Now, upon the subject of Spanish wool, and also upon that of their own linen,, how stood the fact? Had they rivalled us in Spanish wool; had they not even exported their own linen through Great Britain? It appeared that, upon the subject of the Spanish wool, they bore no resemblance to us, and that, as to their

at heart, were warm advocates of the present measure.

Mr. Ryder said, that the whole of the learned doctor's argument was directed to prove that the union with Ireland was not a perfect union. This was admitted. The question chiefly was, whether these imperfections were to be put in comparison with the benefits that would result from such a connexion? As to the measure in a commercial view, whatever objections were made would easily be obviated by the wisdom of the imperial parliament: With regard to the principal of finance it was likely to be highly advantageous to the two countries. The income and expenditure of both would be more accurately ascertained, and the equal proportions more easily defined. The parallel between the Irish and Scottish parliaments was inapplicable. The peers were differently constituted. There were persons who had been honoured with Irish titles, who had not the smallest connexion with the country; they had been invested with those distinctions as a mark of royal favour for eminent services; and surely it would be unjust to deprive such men of the privilege of serving their country in that House. The salutary effects of the union would very soon be experienced on both sides of the water.

the hands of the Crown, which he thought, with his late right honourable and illustrious friend (Mr. Burke), had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished. He compared the pension lists of the two countries. In this, it amounted to 120,000/.; but in Ireland, besides the civil list of 104,000l.; there was also a pension list amounting to 110,000!.; and all these, added to what was already at the disposal of the Crown, made him dread throwing any farther. weight into a scale which preponderated too much to the side of influence already. The learned member also expressed his apprehensions for the order of the House, even under the good government and authority of so excellent a chairman as the present Speaker; hinted at a recent and other duels, which were too common; and viewed the addition of members from that country as contrary to the principles of the constitution of this House of Commons, which had wisely limited its number to 558, as the best adapted for all parliamentary purposes, and particularly for a deliberative assembly. The learned gentleman then took an extensive view of the state of the Irish parliament at the time it consented to the union; which, he said, rendered it unfit to be the organ of the wishes of the people. The present measure could be productive of no advantage to this country; but would spread discontent, distraction, and division throughout Ireland. He heartily prayed Almighty God that it might never pass: but if it should unfortunately be adopted, he would as heartily pray, that that Being, who called order out of confusion, harmony out of discord, and light out of darkness, who, from jarring elements, created the fair fabric of the universe, would avert the evils which the union was likely to bring down upon the British empire, and turn to its prosperity what was calculated for its ruin.

Mr. Bankes said, it was putting the question to the fairest issue possible, to determine whether it would be for the advantage of the empire to decline these propositions, or to accept them with all their imperfections on their heads. The incidental questions respecting commerce, revenue, and representation, were in themselves, no doubt, of considerable magnitude: but at the same time of small moment, when compared with those respective situations which made it improper for Ireland to coalesce with us, and for us to coalescewith Ireland. That country was inhabited by two distinct classes of people, Mr. Morrit said, that the learned gen-hating and hated by each other. There tleman had used his utmost endeavours to prevailed amongst them a want of cultidissuade the House from the measure; vation, a degraded peasantry, a frequency but all the arguments which he had ad- of horrid murders, and scenes of confusion vanced tended only to corroborate more disorder, and rebellion. We should, iu strongly the necessity and wisdom of the his opinion, have some security to be free union. The Scotch union had experi- from the unfortunate cause of those calaenced much opposition when first pro- mities, before we made one cause with posed; but those who had been reviled them. The mass of the people of that on the occasion, had lived to receive the country had claims which they would never thanks of their countrymen for such forget, upon every acre of land forfeited proofs of uncommon sagacity. Those by the revolts and frequent rebellions of who had the real interest of both countries their ancestors. The rigour of the laws [VOL. XXXV.]

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against the Roman Catholics had been that the mass of the people was not always gradually relaxed, without producing any ready to advance and renew its claims sensible or practical effects upon their dis-whenever an opportunity offered. Every position. In fact, so much had the coer- thing proved that they were a very dan cive system subsided, that the Roman gerous set; at present our intercourse Catholics were already in possession of with them was a slight one; but by a every privilege they had to claim, except legislative union we should commit ourthe right of sitting in parliament, and an selves altogether, and could not perhaps exclusion from certain considerable offices afterwards get rid of them. What was in the state, not more in number than from the grievance of which Ireland had so thirty to forty. From their general situa- long complained? It complained of tion in life, the privilege of sitting in par having a parliament which was always liament could be of no great consequence acted upon by an English faction. Surely, to the bulk of the Roman Catholics; but then it would be no remedy for such a in the hands of crafty and designing men, grievance to put that nation under the it always offered the means of stirring immediate control of that very faction them up to sedition; and unhappily these whose influence it deprecated. A noble means had seldom been employed in vain. lord, whose talents, firmness, and elo. It was not his business now to give any quence, had made him the object of just opinion on the methods which might admiration (he meant the lord chancellor more properly be employed, if indeed any of Ireland), had delivered a memorable could be effectual, to conciliate these speech upon the subject, in which he did people; but what they called eman- not disguise his disgust at, and expressed cipation, was an indulgence which he something bordering on a great contempt could by no means recommend. Before, of the proceedings of the Irish parliament. we were called upon to unite ourselves That parliament, his lordship said, could with Ireland, it would be highly necessary offer no guarantee for the security of the for that kingdom to put itself in a state state: and he instanced the regency to show of internal tranquillity; but it did not ap- how little safety there was in a legislature pear that the Irish parliament had taken any so constructed. In fact, the jealousy of steps for that purpose. The Irish members that parliament had been strongly exhiwould come here, in the first instance, on bited in what was called the final arrangeterms of equality in point of qualifications ment of 1782: it broke out again in the and every other respect, as the represen- Irish propositions in 1785; and became tatives of Great Britain; and would take more manifest in the question of the rethe usual oaths of allegiance and abjura-gency, when the empire was liable to be tion, which must operate as an exclusion placed in the anomalous situation of of Roman Catholic members. So far no having a regent of both kingdoms, under advantage was granted to that description limitations in the one, and totally unlimited of persons; nor did he see how the as to the other. That, however, was a scheme could tend to remove the fears very singular case, and, had the great seal which the Irish Protestants were known to been put to the bill in this country, might entertain of their Roman Catholic bre- have soon been accommodated. But a thren. But it was stated, that the union more serious difficulty arose two years would promote the commerce and agri- ago, fomented by the political opinions of culture of the country, and by that means designing men, and finally terminating in materially improve the condition of the peo- a religious war. It was true that few ple. If this was a benefit, he would ask, persons of property took any part in that did the Roman Catholics ask it, or were unfortunate rebellion; and so far from its they even willing to receive it when volunta- being assisted by the respectable Roman rily offered? There was no manifestation of Catholics, many pikes fell from the hands any such disposition on their part, nor did of the rebels by the fire of the militia and the majority of them look to any thing so yeomanry of that persuasion. But, viewmuch as the revival of their old preten-ing the cause of that rebellion in all its sions. It was in vain to judge by a momentary calm. Never, from the days when the Roman people retired to the sacred mountain, to the time when the Irish volunteers mustered their force in Dublin, was it proved by any tranquil suspension, H

bearings, he would, ask whether, if this union had been in force at that time, it would have prevented it? Would it afford us any security, that, if the French could land a considerable force in that country, they would not be joined by